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Friday, August 14, 2009

[ALOCHONA] 1975 put US, India on same wavelength



1975 put US, India on same wavelength

Islamic radicalism, menacing the nation for years now, was something India and the United States learnt to dread soon after the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Documents lately declassified by the US Office of the Historian show the apprehension had its roots in the perception that Bangabandhu's killers--all military officers--were "pro-US, anti-Soviet Union, Islamic, and less pro-Indian than the past leadership".

The August 15 bloodbath in 1975 left Mujib and most of his family butchered and his party in total disarray. It led to the assumption that Pakistan would regain its sway on the nation it sought to subdue only a few years back.

In the context of the cold war dynamics, India and the US were also concerned that China, which recognised Bangladesh only after August 1975, might help radical communist elements thrive in the delta sliding into militocracy.All these worries were reflected in a conversation between the then US secretary of state Henry Kissinger and Indian external minister YB Chavan.

The US Office of the Historian, which is responsible for preparation and publication of the official historical documentary record of American foreign policy, has transcript of the conversation that took place at the US Department of State on October 6, 1975.

There, the discussion related to the developments in Bangladesh goes like this:

YB Chavan: The new president [Khandaker Mushtaque Ahmed] has sent us assurances that he was standing by the same policy but we are concerned, in particular, whether the new government will take an extreme Islamic posture. This would create problems for the minority in Bangladesh. If the Hindus again feel insecure, there might be a new wave of refugees.

Kissinger: Is there a large minority group in Bangladesh?

Chavan: About 15%. It is a major factor. So far the new government (after Mujib killing) has given assurances it would follow the same policy as Mujib, but we are naturally worried about the influence of Pakistan on Bangladesh.

Kissinger: What is your impression?

Chavan: They have just announced diplomatic relations. This is a good thing. Even under Mujib we recommended this. We never wanted an exclusive relationship with Bangladesh. Our worry is only this: That they might try to give a different connotation to the situation by giving an Islamic twist to things. Also the Chinese recognised [Bangladesh] only after the coup. Frankly, we are worried. There are radical communist elements in Bangladesh which the Chinese might try to help. Here we hope the US and India will have a common approach.

After a while, Kissinger asked his Indian counterpart, "What is the tendency of the [Bangladesh] military? Is it anti-Indian?"

Chavan replied, "Frankly, there is some anti-Indian tendency, I am sorry to say."

At this point, Kewal Singh, the then secretary of Indian external affairs ministry, chipped in, "Some people hostile to Mujib were brought back. We don't want to give the impression we are concerned but pro-Islamic and pro-radical groups have some strength."

Chavan and Kissinger met the following day as well and talked about Bangladesh.

Almost immediately they got down to serious talking about political ramifications of the August 15 coup d'état.

Yet again, the Indian minister said, "We are worried about Bangladesh. Radical movements are already there. If Pakistan and China converge their efforts, this could pose a problem. This would be a new factor in South Asia which needs assessment."

The secretary of state said, "Previously, the Chinese were opposed to Bangladesh. They were not among Mujib's admirers."

As he asked if India had any advance indication of the coup, his opposite number replied, "None."

Kissinger then observed, "People are always complaining that we don't know about things in advance…They should realise that any coup that succeeds must have fooled someone. Mujib just couldn't have imagined that anyone would organise a coup against him. As I understand it, your relations with Bangladesh are now good. What you are concerned about is a future possibility."

TN Kaul, the then Indian ambassador to the US, added, "The danger is Pan Islamism."

At one point, Kissinger said, "The real worry would be if countries with resources like Saudi Arabia get radical leaders. Then there would be trouble."

Kaul said, "One reason why we banned the Jamaat Islami and RSS is that these parties were getting money from the outside."

The Kissinger-Chavan meeting gives an impression that none of the two countries had prior knowledge of the military takeover.

But the US state department's documents suggest quite the contrary. They show that like India, the US had gathered that something sinister was brewing, and it had even informed Bangabandhu about it.

Minutes of a staff meeting headed by Kissinger after August 15 show that the US was well aware of the plot.

There, Kissinger was heard enquiring Alfred Atherton Jr., assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern and South Asian affairs in 1974-1978, about the assassination.

Atherton said the US had lots of indications in March that some quarters were scheming to kill Mujib.

Kissinger asked, "Didn't we tell him [Mujib] about it?"

The assistant secretary of state said, "We told him at the time."

As his boss pressed to know if Bangabandhu was told who it was going to be, Atherton answered, "I will have to check whether we gave him the names."

At that point, Hyland of Bureau of Intelligence and Research said, "We were a little imprecise on that."

Referring to the US alerting Bangabandhu to the danger of an attack on him, Atherton said, "He [Mujib] brushed it off, scoffed at it, and said nobody would do a thing like that to him."

Kissinger remarked, "He was one of the world's prize fools."

Talking about the coup leaders, Atherton said, "They are military officers, middle and senior officers, who are generally considered less pro-Indian than the past leadership; pro-US, anti-Soviet."

The secretary of state responded, "Absolutely inevitable."

And Atherton went on, "Islamic. They have changed the name to the Islamic Republic "

Kissinger said, "That they would be pro-US was not inevitable. In fact, I would have thought at some turn of the wheel they were going to become pro-Chinese, and anti-Indian I firmly expected. I always knew India would rue the day that they made Bangladesh independent. I predicted that since '71."

Major Dalim, one of the on-the-run convicted killers of Bangabandhu, in a radio announcement soon after the killings declared the country would now be named "Islamic Republic of Bangladesh".

The declaration which eventually did not materialise was a complete contrast to the secular ideals that stirred Bangalees to fight for independence from "Islamic Republic of Pakistan" in 1971.

Though the republic's name was spared a change, its constitution soon lost secular character.

The original charter saw secularism dropped as one of its four fundamental principles. It also had 'Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim' in the preamble.

Even more alarming was the scrapping of the ban on religion-based political parties.

During the rule of Ziaur Rahman, five parties including Jamaat-e-Islami, which collaborated with the Pakistani occupation forces and committed genocide and numerous atrocities during the Liberation War, were allowed to be in politics again.

The government of independent Bangladesh in its first decision banned these parties that always oppose the nation's independence and thrive on communal disturbances.

In the early 80s, the country's second military ruler HM Ershad introduced Islam as state religion, dealing a death blow to secularism.

The rise of Islamist militancy, once a fear, is a reality now, 34 years after the August 15 carnage.

During the BNP-Jamaat-led rule in 2001-2006, Islamist outfits spread tentacles across the country thanks to patronage from some influential leaders of the ruling alliance.

Though the BNP government woke up to the dangers of militancy towards the end of its tenure, it was too little too late.

Now the task lies with Awami League-led grand alliance that came to power on promises that include the one to root out militancy.

And at the centrestage in the combat against militancy is Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who herself had been the target of several attacks.
 



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[ALOCHONA] China's India policy: Murder with borrowed knives



China's India policy: Murder with borrowed knives
NEW DELHI: Fears that China could employ a strategy of "murdering with borrowed knives" against India does not seem totally unfounded. A leading
Special representative from China meets PM
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh with Dai Bingguo, State councilor of China and China's Special Representative on the Boundary Question to India, during a meeting at Prime Minister's residence in New Delhi on August 8, 2009. (PTI)
Chinese think-tank , whose views count with the Beijing's Communist administration, has put forward an outrageous suggestion that China should break India into 20-30 independent states with the help of "friendly countries" like Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan.

The article, written by Zhan Lue and titled "If China takes a little action , the so-called Great Indian Federation can be broken up," has aroused strong sentiments in India where many see this as a reflection of the hardline thinking in Beijing.

Published on the website of a think tank that advises Beijing on global and strategic issues, the article makes a series of preposterous suggestions saying that a fragmented India would be in China's interests and also lead to prosperity in the region. Responding to the inflammatory nature of the suggestions, India issued a warning and a word of caution.

"We continue to maintain that opinions and assessment on the state of India-China relations should be expressed after careful judgment based on the long-term interests of building a stable relationship between the two countries,'' MEA official spokesperson Vishnu Prakash said.

Giving the benefit of doubt to Beijing, MEA said the article "appears to be the expression of individual opinion and does not accord with the officially stated position of China on India-China relations" , conveyed to India on several occasions most recently by the State Councilor Dai Bingguo during border talks last week.



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[ALOCHONA] PMO, retired Maj. Gen. coordinating NSI, DGFI, SSF, RAB, SB et al



PMO, retired Maj. Gen. coordinating NSI, DGFI, SSF, RAB, SB et al
 
So the Home Ministry has not much of a job now to perform as the Government has relieved it of its traditional responsibility of coordinating the activities of the intelligence agencies after about three decades.
   
Now the policy makers' goal is not to detect the causes of the Home Ministry's failure in coordinating or strengthening the intelligence agencies. The responsibility now has been entrusted upon the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) and the man in charge is defence affairs adviser Maj. Gen. (Retd) Tariq Ahmed Siddiqui, brother-in-law of Sheikh Rehana, younger sister of the Prime Minister, informed sources said. A gazette notification to this effect was also issued in the first week of August.
   
   The coordinator
   Maj. Gen. (Retd.) Tariq Siddiqui will coordinate the activities of National Security Intelligence (NSI), Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), Special Security Force (SSF), Police Department including Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) and Special Branch (SB) of Police under the name of National Committee to Coordinate Intelligence Agencies (NCCIA).
   
It is a six-member committee to be represented by the cabinet secretary and PM's principal secretary along with the chiefs of NSI, DGFI, SSF and police under the Coordinator.
  
 It may be pointed out that Maj. Gen. (Retd) Tariq Siddiqui has also been entrusted with the tasks of overseeing the reappointments of officers who were sacked or were retired during the last BNP regime and adopt measures against those officials as suggested by General (Retd) Moeen.
   
After the BDR carnage the Government was enraged at the failure of intelligence agencies that had "no knowledge" of such a "great conspiracy" of cold-blooded slaughter of a large number of senior Army officers including Maj. Gen. Shakil Ahmed, former DG of the BDR, the sources added.
   
The Government has taken a relatively nominal action against the DGFI, which at the time of Peelkhana carnage was run by the AL Government-appointed DGFI chief and some other trusted aides.
   The Military Intelligence (MI) was also spared because it was then run under the command of Army chief General Moeen U Ahmed.
   
Mysteriously, the role of MI in the backdrop of brutal death of such a large number of officers and dishonouring women members of their families have never been questioned, said the sources. The MI always keeps its surveillance related to security of the army officials and their activities or any other institutions.
   
The reasons for controlling the intelligence agencies from a single office, which is the seat of political power, are many, according to the sources.
   One reason is to ensure the desired environment in the sensitive areas during the hearing on the leave appeal of Sheikh Mujib murder case trial before all other sensitive matters like BDR carnage and proposed war criminal trial.
   
   'RATS' and others
   Meanwhile, the Home Ministry is learnt to be busy to track the activities of some AL leaders; it has been asked to pay more attention to the activities of senior leaders such as Abdur Razzaq, Amir Hossain Amu, Tofail Ahmed and Suranjit Sengupta nicknamed 'RATS' and other suspects, said the sources.
   
At the moment some high-ups of the Home Ministry daily check the phone records of some political leaders from both the Opposition and the Government when they enter the chambers in the first hours, they added.
 



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