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Thursday, July 23, 2009

[ALOCHONA] China-Bangladesh Relations and Potential for Regional Tensions



China-Bangladesh Relations and Potential for Regional Tensions

Publication: China Brief Volume: 9 Issue: 15
July 23, 2009
 

The geographic area encompassing South Asia and its contiguous maritime spaces are of growing strategic importance to China, as reflected in China's web of partnerships and coalitions with states in the region. The dynamics of these relationships appear on the surface to be based on interdependence, but are actually driven by long-term political, economic and strategic interests. Among the South Asian states, Bangladesh is an important player in Beijing's political-military calculus and provides China with added leverage to check Indian forces. This is evident from the regular political exchanges and enhanced military cooperation between the two countries. According to Munshi Faiz Ahmad, Bangladesh's ambassador to China, Bangladesh and China have enjoyed a "time-tested, all-weather friendship" (China Daily, March 26).

During their meeting on the sidelines of the U.N. Conference on the World Financial and Economic crisis in June 2009, Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi assured his Bangladeshi counterpart Dipu Moni that it was China's policy to "strengthen and develop the relations of friendship and cooperation with Bangladesh." For her part, Moni said that "Bangladesh sees China as its close friend and cooperation partner" (Xinhua News Agency, June 26).

China and Bangladesh established diplomatic relations in 1975, although Beijing initially did not recognize Bangladesh as a separate state in 1971. Since then, the friendship between the two countries has grown to cover a wide spectrum of bilateral relations. At the onset of official relations, the Chinese leadership has consistently advised Bangladesh to pursue an independent foreign policy and encouraged it to move away from India's sphere of influence. According to discussions (March 2009) that this author had with some retired Indian army officers, they believe that Chinese leaders may have even given Bangladesh security assurances that Beijing would stand by Dhaka and help it defend its national sovereignty and territorial integrity should it be threatened by India.

Bangladesh maintains a very close relationship with China for its economic and military needs (Daily Star [Dhaka], February 19, 2006). Over the years, the two sides have signed a plethora of bilateral agreements that range from economic engagements, soft loans, social contacts, cultural exchanges, academic interactions, infrastructure development and military sales at "friendship" prices. Top-level state visits, both by the ruling party and the opposition leaders to China have increased markedly [1]. Bangladesh sees China not only as its close friend, but also as a counter-weight when dealing with India. This is notwithstanding the fact that China and Bangladesh have not established a strategic partnership, and according to Bangladeshi analysts, have kept their relationship "unarticulated, flexible and ambiguous" thus allowing Dhaka "to reap the benefits of a strategic partnership with a nuclear power without involving itself in any formal defense arrangement" (Daily Star [Dhaka], February 19, 2006).

Arming the Military

China has emerged as a major supplier of arms to the Bangladeshi armed forces. In 2006, China supplied 65 artillery guns and 114 missiles and related systems (The Assam Tribune, October 9, 2007).  Most of the tanks (T-59, T-62, T-69, and T-79), a large number of armoured personnel carriers (APCs), artillery pieces and small arms and personal weapons in the Bangladesh Army are of Chinese origin [2]. There are plans to acquire 155mm PLZ-45/Type-88 (including transfer of technology) and 122mm Type-96 as well MBRLs from China by 2011 (
defence.pk/forum, March 19, 2009.

Admiral Zhang Lianzhong, the erstwhile Commander of the PLA Navy, had reportedly assured his Bangladeshi counterpart of cooperation in the sophisticated management of the navy [3]. The Bangladeshi Navy is largely made up of Chinese-origin platforms. These include the 053-H1 Jianghu I class frigates with 4 x HY2 missiles, Huang Feng class missile boats, Type-024 missile boats, Huchuan and P 4 class torpedo boats, Hainan class sub chasers, Shanghai class gun boats and Yuchin class LCUs [4]. The BNS Khalid Bin Walid has been retrofitted with HQ-7 SAM from China. (FM-90 Surface-to-Air Missile System,
bdmilitary.com). In 2008, BNS Osman successfully test fired a C-802 ASM in the presence of the Chinese Defense Attaché Senior Colonel Ju Dewu (The Daily Star, May 13, 2008).

China began supplying fighter aircraft to the Bangladesh Air Force in 1977 and, over the years, has delivered F7 and Q5 fighter aircraft and PT 6 Trainers [5]. In 2005, 16 F-7BG were ordered and the deliveries began in 2006 (Bangladesh Biman Bahini,
scramble.nl, July 5, 2009).

Although Dhaka has argued that its relations with Beijing are based on mutual understanding and political and economic interests, New Delhi is anxious about Bangladesh's growing military contacts on several fronts. First, concern arises from India's vulnerability in the Siliguri corridor, often referred to as the 'chicken neck'. This 200 kilometers (km) long and 40 km wide corridor links mainland India by rail, road and air with its Northeast region, a part of which (90,000 sq km in Arunachal Pradesh) is claimed by China and is a significant source of tension for bilateral relations. At present, there is significant PLA deployment along the borders. To its north is Bhutan, and in the south is Bangladesh. The Siliguri corridor figures prominently in the Sino-Bangladesh friendship and the two sides, according to Indian military experts, have a sophisticated strategy to sever India from the Northeast region. It is also noted that 'China wants to get Tawang [an administrative district in the state of Arunachal Pradesh] to come closer to the Siliguri corridor' so that it can link up with Bangladesh from the north (Why Assam Bleeds,
sify.com, November 10, 2008).

The corridor also contains elements that can destabilize the region. Illegal migrants from Bangladesh and Indian insurgent groups such as the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), who have safe heavens in Bangladesh, crisscross through porous borders that can act as catalysts for social disorder, unrest and insurgency.  According to one analyst, the ULFA leadership has shifted its base to China, and the investigations relating to the March 2004 offloading of a weapons consignment from China at Chittagong seaport revealed the complicity of government agencies (India, Bangladesh: Joint Task Force for Countering Militancy,
sspconline.org, May 27, 2009) In that context, then-Bangladeshi Foreign Minister Morshed Khan's warning in 2005 that if India surrounds Bangladesh, Bangladesh also surrounds India, has many implications.

Snooping and Spying

Firstly, there are fears among the Indian military establishment that Dhaka may grant military basing rights to China, thus complicating India's security in the Northeast. This could result in the monitoring of Indian military movements, particularly of the Indian Army that is deployed in the region. There are several strategic Indian Air Force bases such as Bagdogra (with MiG-21 fighter jet deployed), Hashimara (with MiG-27 fighter jet deployed), and Tezpur (with Su-30 fighter jet deployed). These bases and military aircraft could easily come under a Bangladesh-China electronic and radar surveillance network during a crisis or impending hostilities.  

Second, there are concerns that Bangladesh may offer Chittagong port for development to China, ostensibly for commercial purposes, but which could also be used for staging Chinese naval assets. This is to be expected and can be reasonably tied to the Chinese development of Gwadar port in Pakistan and Hambantota port in Sri Lanka. Third, China will be able to monitor Indian missile testing conducted at Chandipur-at-sea near Balasore, Orissa, and also naval activity in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in the Bay of Bengal.

China's Bay of Bengal Energy Triangle

At another level, China has cultivated its relations with Bangladesh and has emerged as a mediator in the latter's international disputes. In November 2008, Bangladesh and Myanmar (Burma) deployed their navies in a standoff in the Bay of Bengal over Myanmar's decision to issue licenses to oil companies to undertake survey activity in disputed waters. Among the several oil companies engaged in offshore exploration in Myanmar's waters, China National Petroleum Corp (CNPC) was awarded a block that falls into those belonging to Bangladesh. Dhaka requested Beijing, their common friend, to mediate, and after his meeting with Zheng Qingdian, the Chinese ambassador in Dhaka, Bangladesh's foreign minister, Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury, noted "I have explained our peaceful intentions to our Chinese friends and hope that Myanmar stops activities on the disputed waters" (Reuters, November 5, 2008). The standoff ended after Bangladesh and Myanmar agreed to resolve the issue through negotiations.  

Both Bangladesh, which has a reserve of 15.51 trillion cubic feet (tcf) and Myanmar, which has a reserve of 81.03 tcf, have the potential to satisfy the increasing energy requirements of Asia—particularly, China and India [6]. Chinese oil and gas companies are aggressively engaged in the Bay of Bengal in exploration and production activities to push the gas through pipelines linking offshore platforms in Myanmar to Kunming in China and also to feed the new refinery in Chongqing municipality. According to the China Securities Journal, work on two new pipelines will commence in September 2009 (Reuters, June 17). The 2,806 km long natural gas pipeline with a capacity of 12 billion cubic meters annually to Kunming will be ready by 2012. The second 1,100 km pipeline for oil with a capacity of 400,000 barrels per day (bpd) would run between Kyaukphyu in Myanmar to Kunming and would be extended to Guizhou and Chongqing municipality.

Likewise, China is also interested in a Malaysian pipeline and refinery project estimated to cost about $14.3 billion. This 320 km west-east pipeline has the capacity to transfer 800,000 (bpd) and the refinery's capacity to process 200,000 bpd would help China overcome the oft-mentioned Malacca Dilemma.

Besides the oil and gas pipelines, China and Bangladesh, along with Myanmar, have decided to build the 900 km Kunming Highway linking Chittagong with Kunming through Myanmar to facilitate greater trade [7]. This would not only overcome the long sea passage from the east coast of China through Singapore (for trans-shipment) to Bangladesh, but would also lower transport costs and add to the economy of Yunnan  province. This also fits well in their joint initiative of improving Chittagong port infrastructure that can now be put to dual use for merchant vessels and also for the navies of the two countries.  

Challenging India

The Chinese approach of systematically nurturing and promoting diplomatic linkages with Bangladesh provides it with a number of strategic advantages against India. Likewise, there are also several related strategic fallouts for Bangladesh. As far as China is concerned, it will be in a position to link its electronic listening systems at Coco Island in Myanmar and the staging/listening systems in Bangladesh and monitor Indian naval and missile activity. Given the wide disparities in the India-Bangladesh naval order of battle, Bangladesh would be under pressure to open its facilities to the PLA Navy as a countervailing force against the Indian Navy. The prospect of Chinese ships and submarines operating in the North Andaman Sea would have serious repercussions for India's projection capabilities. This is sure to result in some aggressive counter-maneuvering by the Indian Navy, and the Indian naval response would be to execute a blockade and entanglement of Chinese naval assets in Chittagong.  

China's quest to establish a regional power profile is based on sustained and dedicated engagements with India's neighbors for access and basing. It has adeptly reinforced its alliances with these countries through political-military support and challenging India in its backyard. China-Bangladesh military cooperation has the potential to exacerbate regional tensions along the Himalayas and result in high-intensity competition. The Chinese are quite clear that they have a peer competitor and a rival who they must contend with to enhance their influence in South Asia.

Notes

1. Sreeradha Datta, "Bangladesh's Relations with China and India: A Comparative Study", Strategic Analysis, Volume 32, No.5, September 2008, p.761.
2. The Military Balance 2007, International Institute of Strategic Studies, London.
3. R. Chakrabarti, "China and Bangladesh", China Report, Volume 30, No. 2, 1994, p.155.
4. Jane's Fighting Ships 2008-09, pp.46-55.
5. All the World's Aircraft 2008-09, pp.94-95.
6. Sudhir T. Devare, (ed), A New Energy Frontier: The Bay of Bengal, (Singapore: ISEAS,2008).
7. Sharif M. Hossain and Ishtiaque Selim, "Sino – Bangladesh Economic Relations: Prospects and Challenges", BIISS Journal, Volume 27, No 4, October 2006, pp.354-355.

http://www.jamestown.org/programs/chinabrief/single/?tx_ttnews[tt_news]=35310&tx_ttnews[backPid]=25&cHash=f6f3b100c9




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[mukto-mona] Tajuddin Ahmed: a rare breed of patriot

http://mukto-mona.com/wordpress/?p=456

Dr. Mozammel H Khan

Canadian Committee for Human Rights and Democracy in Bangladesh


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[ALOCHONA] Saudi Arabia rejects Dr Abdul Momen( brother of Abul Mal Muhit)



Saudi Arabia rejects Dr Abdul Momen( brother of Abul Mal Muhit)
 



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[ALOCHONA] The Bangladesh government’s position is a betrayal to people



The Bangladesh governments position is a betrayal to all these people

Eminent intellectual Farhad Mazhar talks to Mubin S Khan about the Tipaimukh Dam and the role Bangladesh could have played
 

photo by Sanaul Haque
The Indian government's plans to build the Tipaimukh Dam which will affect the north-eastern districts of Bangladesh, has now become a major issue of concern in our country. How would you assess Bangladesh government's response to the issue so far?

   The current government, not surprisingly for some of us, does not have the 'national interest' of the people of Bangladesh in mind. The term national interest' begs explanation to demark my distance from national chauvinism or parochial decadence. India's systematic appropriation of river and river flows, a form of 'privatisation' or 'Indianisation' of the rivers in the subcontinent, being the upper riparian country, is the worst crime that could be committed against an agrarian civilisation situated downstream that still thrives on biodiversity-based agro-ecological systems that have profound global significance.

   The pity here is that this 'dalali' of the Indian ruling class by our government will also not improve relations with India and will hardly provide any guarantee for them to remain in power. This is simply because it is not merely an issue between India and Bangladesh, but a major issue of the people of the subcontinent against big dams, which is the destroyer of the environment, ecology, biodiversity and the livelihood of millions of people.

   The movement against Tipaimukh is not only going on in Bangladesh, but it is also taking place in India – in Manipur, Mizoram, Assam etc. Our friends in India, who have been facing repression in the hands of their own government, will also be disappointed by our attitude, by the blatant apathy of our government to environment, ecology, life and livelihood of the common people that are integrally linked to and dependent on the availability of water through transnational river flows in both sides of the border.

   Bangladesh as a country must remain at the apex of the moral and ethical ground opposing such destructive activity by India representing the people of South Asia. The Bangladesh government's position is a betrayal to all these people. The government could have instead taken a leadership role and represented all these people. It would have been a rational position of even a pro-India government.

   Our government's response has not only been against national interest, but it is also a very cheap form of pandering to the Indian government.. I think this is also insulting for India. I am sure the Indian policymakers are embarrassed by all of this.

   On the other hand, I must point out, people who are trying to use the anti-India sentiment in this issue, are also making a grave mistake. Any tint of communal position in all of this will not serve the interest of Bangladesh.

   My personal assessment is that this regime that we now have in power, post-BDR incident, is a clinically dead government with hardly any capacity to take policy position on national questions. They are surviving on various alliances, an alliance with the upper-middle-class whose interests converge with the corporate world. And they came to power through another alliance with the Moin Uddin-Fakhruddin government. They must now serve the interests of those who put them in power. They must deliver some goods to India simply as a means to survive.

   The apparent taking over of the Bangladeshi geo-political and strategic interest by the Indian ruling class will not be liked by the other global powers including USA, UK, EU, Japan and certainly not, China. Their interest is not being served in a competitive world by simply 'Indianising' Bangladesh.. The government must make India realise that India's national interest cannot be served without serving Bangladesh's national interest. Colonising the weak nations by Indian's ruling class could only breed instability and violence in the region.

   You mention, USA and UK will not take well India's meddling in Bangladesh's affairs. But are these countries not strong allies in global politics?

   You see, imperialism is not a homogenous power. Monopoly capitalism does not imply absence of competition for the market and the raw materials between imperialist countries. Bangladesh is strategically an important country. In a country like ours, only one superpower will reap all the fruits while others watch on – I don't think that is how imperialism functions. It is also strategically dangerous for countries like China and will not always serve US interest since there is convergence and contradiction between the two.

   For ordinary people in Bangladesh we are simply a poor country and they wonder what interest global powers would have in our country. You mention we are strategically, economically and geopolitically very important. How is that?

   Firstly, I think you are talking about the perception of the urban middle class, and they are certainly poor. They are apolitical, morally weak, intellectually poor and have no idea about the potentiality of Bangladesh and ignorant about the potentiality of her human resources. They are also poor, because the only resource they can identify is money. Ordinary hard working people think otherwise, they are explorers and busy in defining survival strategies in the real life in a highly competitive global scenario.

    Bangladesh, as a whole, is not poor at all. From the agricultural point of view, we have one of the most highly developed ecological systems one can have. This system can sustain people easily.

   Secondly, in the last fifteen years, even from a neo-liberal point of view, a strong economy has developed through the remittance, export earning and development of entrepreneurship. Bangladesh does not need the support of lending agencies to sustain itself.

   Third, this is a homogenous society.

   One of our biggest strengths, however, is human resources. You cannot work if you do not have people. We have tremendous possibility in agriculture and industry.

   We have an enormous resource of sweet water. If we can plan to harvest and store and organise our urban lifestyles and industrial activities to remain pollution-free then by just selling sweet water our economy, theoretically, we can grow in leaps and bounds.

   In that manner, we do have a lot of resources. I will not indulge in the clichés of oil, gas etc. But just a point that we hardly mention, we are also rich in our use of renewable energy from biomass.

   Our biggest problem in development is the parasitic middle-class, or to be polite, a parasitic mentality that dominates because of the domination of this class. We must find ways of how we could contribute to production, and not be petty traders in the global bazar. We must learn to think and plan based on the available resources to develop a lifestyle that is ecological, ethically and morally joyful and ecstatic by the sheer brilliance of the idea.

   Now strategically, our stability and capacity as a political state matter to the security of India, China, United States as well as other global powers. It is a sight of struggle for the various powers, which is why we hear about deep sea ports and oil blocks etc. all the time. This is also the reason why we were recently ruled by a military with the façade of civilian government

   Finally, secularism, and by secularism I do not mean, anti-Islamic communal and racial politics that feed the predatory interventions of the 'war against terror'. The 'spirit' of secular tradition I have in mind is not an instrument of imperial expansion, war and violence.

   Since I reject conventional secularism nor is it theological, or based on any politics of identity that demean human beings or justify oppression. I celebrate the divinity of the human kind, a cherished legacy from the sufi-bhakti tradition of Bengal, a resource that we should defend for the emergence of new global politics from our soil. This politics has tremendous possibility.

   Bangladesh can become an example for East and West, North and South, to believers and non-believers, if we do not cast our heart in stone we are definitely moving to an interesting direction.

   Bangladesh has rejected the idea of 'Islam' that was interpreted only in theological terms and communal sense in 1971, without rejecting egalitarian and spiritual implication. We are radical but authentic thinkers and because of our homogenous character, culturally-rich state strong in wielding people's power, which I think is a huge threat for anti-democratic war mongering global powers.

   Do you think India, as a global power bordering us almost on all sides, will allow this potential to flourish?

   India is a very divided, caste-ridden and a very repressive state. If India becomes another capitalist country what else could India contribute to the humanity? We have seen Europe, USA, Japan and now China. But if Bangladeshis keep on struggling through their strengths, in time it will turn into a sub-continental struggle, Bangladesh can transform India. All the oppressed classes of the subcontinent will unite in this struggle. We all have a stake in this new global order.

   I honestly think, we can do it.
 



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[ALOCHONA] Army is at the root of Pakistan's woes



Army is at the root of Pakistan's woes
 
Aneel Salman
 
Shalimar hotel is a nice and cozy Pakistani restaurant in Troy, New York. My evenings are spent at the corner table with a cup of tea and conversation with Javed Sahib (owner of the hotel). He shares his fond memories of the good old days in Pakistan while I talk about the present gloomy times.
   "Who is the culprit?" was the question that popped up after reading a small news item in the Dawn where the proud sons of the Pakistan Army beat the senses out of a young DMG officer to feed their inflated ego. 

   Having its roots in the former Civil Service of Pakistan, the District Management Group (DMG) continues to maintain its niche of being a central and one of the most coveted administrative service groups of the Civil Service of Pakistan. Its unique service organization, on one hand attracts the top achievers in the civil services examination to this Group, and subsequently this structure having enormous horizontal and vertical mobility chances enables the selected officers to occupy critical and leading administrative positions from the very beginning of their careers..

   On 8th July 2009, Ali Qamar, a 35th common DMG officer posted as Camp In charge Sheikh Yaseen, Mardan, was vandalized, brutally beaten, physically and verbally abused by army officers and jawans, while on duty.

   The two brave sons of the nation -- Lt Haider and Major Asad of 32 cavalry -- were apparently tired of fighting against terrorism/ Taliban and their idea of taking a break was to show their muscles to a civilian officer, who is also a son of the same nation, and who was doing official duty when attacked.
   It is indeed a shame to see the petty ego of these officers. This is not the first instance when army has attacked a DMG officer. But how can we question these junior officers when their former top brass Ayub Khan, Zia ul Haq, Musharraf already abused the country.

   It is believed that Pakistan Army is the strongest and dominant institution in Pakistan. This white elephant takes 20 percent of the national budget to protect us from the foreign aggression. We can witness their so-called war against Talibans where they are unable to control their own creation with US help. USA is fighting war against terrorism and Pakistan Army is fighting a perpetual war against democracy. Every democratic leader has been forced to abdicate by army. The generals ruled the country for 34 years out of 62 years of its total existence. Dr. Ayesha Siddiqua, in her book "Military Inc.: Inside Pakistan's Military Economy", mentions that Army's private business assets are worth around $17bn and it owns a handsome share of the country's business and land. The top brass, as a result, appears to be more interested in controlling over businesses, properties and politics. If this is the mind set how we are suppose to win any kind of war against any enemy.

   US Islamised Pakistan Army
   We blame the USA and the Islamic fundamentalists for all the chaos in Pakistan. But if we take a closer look, the real culprit seems to be the Pakistan Army. Every political scientist claims that democracy is an answer to most of the problems in Pakistan but there are certain prerequisites to practise democracy.

   Thanks to Pakistan Army it has not only destroyed but paralyzed the political thinking of people. It is like a ruthless corporation whose objective is to maximize profit. The way Zia ul Haq paralyzed the country no dictator has ever been able to achieve, he changed the very character and role of the Army.

   America was the biggest sponsor of Islamic fundamentalism, religious terrorism and Islamisation of Pakistan Army. A breed of Taliban was created to fight the Russians and to please the US because the army was getting huge amount of dollars in aid. Musharraf regime is another golden chapter of Pakistan's history; billions of US dollars were given to Pakistan Army to curb terrorism. Pakistan army again made us proud as terrorism not only increased but crossed the borders and entered our cities. It changed the demography as fear lurks in every heart. People were scared to socialise or go to any public place.

   What right does the Army have to intervene in the affairs of civil administration? Their job is to protect the borders and not abuse the civilians. If they are requisitioned to assist the civil administration their activities should be confined to supporting not taking over! If they had done their job at the borders we would not have terrorism within Pakistan. It takes ages to build an institution but few people destroy it in the name of their egos or vested interests. It's time to realize our weaknesses and restrain from past mistakes that have brought Pakistan to its present state.

   (The writer is a Fulbright Scholar, pursuing his doctorate at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, NY, USA. Research fellow at Center for Public Policy and Governance, Forman Christian University Pakistan. He can be reached at salmaa@rpi.edu).
 



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[ALOCHONA] Why are some Bangladeshis anti-Indian?




Even if one likes the Indian cricket team, he or she would be afraid to express that aloud in the presence of a room full of Bangladeshis because there will be several for whom it would be too much to take. However admiring individual Indians like Vidya Balan or A.R. Rahman is okay. But collectively anything Indian is bad in the opinion of a considerable section of Bangladeshis. My recollections are drawn from the days long before the Tipaimuk controversy. How can we account for the widespread anti-Indian sentiment in Bangladesh?

Are neighbouring countries always suspicious of one another? As one wise man said: a solid fence is a precondition for friendly neighbours.

As a student in Canada long ago I noticed that Canadians were not very fond of their neighbour to the south. Some fellow students complained of their airwaves being dominated by the US media while others made fun of US ignorance of Canada. As I went to study in an American university later I was appalled to find out how little they knew about their northern neighbour. But never did I meet a Canadian who said that she or he is anti-American.

In Mexico, there is a saying: "God is so far and America so near." This is understandable because Mexico lost a good portion of her territory (California, Texas and parts of New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, etc) to its powerful neighbour.

Several years ago, while on a visit to New Zealand I had a friendly conversation with a gentleman serving juicy veal steak at a party at Massey University, Palmerston North. We discussed the quality of New Zealand veal and lamb and gradually moved to cricket. At some point, I dropped the question, if there is a cricket match between New Zealand and Australia which team would he support. His response was that it was a political question. He avoided an answer.

Once at the famed teachers' lounge of Dhaka University, I found only one colleague who like me was offended by the fact that everyone we knew supported the Pakistani cricket team. It took me quite some time to understand that supporting the Pakistan team is not the same as supporting the state of Pakistan.

Professor Amartya Sen admitted in one of his essays that he is a big fan of the Pakistani team and that does not make him anti-Indian. Professor Sen gave the example of his admiration of the Pakistan cricket team by way of criticising right-wing Hindu nationalists in India who often question the loyalty of the Indian Muslims for their alleged support for the Pakistani cricket team.

While in Singapore I noticed that many Singaporeans would go to Johor Bahru, across the border into Malaysia for seafood dinner, which was considerably cheaper with Ringgit values hovering at half of the Singapore dollar. The pragmatic Singaporean while filling their stomachs with delicacies would also fill their automobiles with cheaper gasoline in Malaysia.

At some point, however, the Singapore government imposed a new law to discourage this practice by making sure that the departing cars' gas tanks are at least half-filled. And yes, randomly, cars were checked at the border and violators were fined. Singapore and Malaysia had their share of disputed issues ranging from water sharing to a Malaysian railway station in Singapore to the ownership of some islands.

The leaders sat across the tables and talked it over in a bid to resolve these issues. Malaysia and Singapore even went to international arbitration over the claim of a disputed island but never did such frictions impact the cordiality of the citizens of these two countries.

Never had I met a Singaporean who called himself anti-Malaysian. I had Malaysian Chinese friends and students who having finished their studies in Singapore returned to Malaysia while others chose to stay on and took up Singapore's residency while keeping their Malaysian citizenship.

Social scientists from these two neighboring countries as well as from other Asean countries meet routinely in conferences and seminars. Sporting events and educational exchanges are common yet there is a sense that more can be done. Disagreements between governments do not translate into disagreements between people. It is the people to people relationship, the public diplomacy par excellence, that provide the basis for building sustainable good-neighbourly relationships.

Neighbouring countries are likely to have contentious issues but they need to be resolved not through megaphone diplomacy but by engaging in reasoned dialogue through quiet diplomacy. Anti-Indianism which has become the "first principle" -- almost a default position -- for many in Bangladesh stands in the way of trust-building between the two neighbours.

It is this sentiment that is both nurtured and exploited by self-seeking, opportunistic politicians to score points. Politics of hegemony, trade-imbalance, and other outstanding border issues play an important role in the prevailing skepticism about India in Bangladesh.

However, for many, anti-Indianness emanates from an attitude of bigotry, which is impervious to reason. Once I pressed a senior Bangladeshi professional in UAE to give me a reason for India's alleged role against the interests of Bangladesh (again before Tipaimukh), in a low voice he confided: "You can't trust the Hindus." The gentleman's honest answer was very revealing.

Habibul Haque Khondker is a professor at Zayed University, Abu Dhabi



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[mukto-mona] Tajuddin Ahmad:An Unsung Hero(July 23,1925-Nov 3,1975)



Tajuddin Ahmad: An Unsung Hero (July 23,1925-November 3,1975)

Tajuddin Ahmed, Founder Prime Minister of Bangladesh who led the country during independence war was born on July 23, 1925 and were killed inside Dhaka Central Jail by a section of misguided soldiers inspired by defeated evil forces of darkness on November 3 of 1975.

Dear readers, my humble request to every single reader to rise above partisanship and all trivial differences and read the compilation below. Read to learn about our national leaders who lead the countries liberation to its final victory and made supreme sacrifice to uphold their belief but not giving up their honor. 
  
Even if you do not share the same ideological path, share their value of remaining truthful what they believe in and not giving up their dignity when they faced the ultimate, the death.
  
On this day, I pay my homage and salute my fallen heroes of liberation and center of my inspiration along with Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman the father of the nation. I pray to my almighty creator and seek his divine blessing and forgiveness for all of our national leaders and millions of our loved ones who sacrificed their life for our country to be free and remain free.
  
I found some video link, which is remarkable imaging collection of facts about our national leader Tajuddin Ahmed, Prime Minister of our first provisional government during our glorious independence war. I wish I can collect video presentation about other national leaders who died on fateful night of November 3rd of 1975.
  
Sincerely yours
Shamim Chowdhury
Maryland , USA   

 

Links on his life

TAJUDDIN AHMED : AN UNSUNG HERO [PART 01]

Video Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gpzTCoUvkok   

 

TAJUDDIN AHMED : AN UNSUNG HERO [PART 02]

Video Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FbblQuf1ODk 

 

TAJUDDIN AHMED : AN UNSUNG HERO [part 03]

Video Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C3aKLLqjqOI 

 

New website on Founder Prime Minister of Bangladesh :

Link:http://www.tajuddinahmad.com 

==================================================

 

Excerpts from the documentary:
Tajuddin Ahmad: An Unsung Hero
Script and direction by Tanvir Mokammel
Produced by Simeen Hussain Rimi
In Bengali with English subtitles, 14 mins

 

Biography of Tajuddin Ahmad
(Founder Prime Minister of Bangladesh )
(July 23, 1925 - November 3, 1975)

 

Tajuddin Ahmad was born on July 23, 1925, in the village Dardoria, in Kapasia Thana,of Gazipur district, which is 82 kilometers by road from the Capital city Dhaka , Bangladesh . The name of the village connotes "The River Gate" or " Flowing River " and may be associated with the river Shitalakhya on whose bank it stands.

 

Tajuddin's father was Moulavi Muhammad Yasin Khan and his mother Meherunnesa Khanam. There were ten brothers and sisters--four brothers and six sisters. Being the child of a conservative Muslim family from a middle class, his education began at the village maktab (religious school) founded by his father. Later on he was enrolled in Bhuleswar Primary School , two kilometers from the family house. When he was in class (grade) four he was enrolled in Kapasia Minor English School , a distance of five kilometers from Dardoria. His enrollment at this school was due to the encouragement of his mother. While a student at Kapasia M.E. School Tajuddin drew the attention of three senior revolutionary leaders who had dedicated their lives to liberating their country from the British rule. They were impressed by Tajuddin's merit and planted the seed of patriotism in young Tajuddin's heart. They recommended to his teachers that their student be sent on to a better school. Accordingly he was admitted into St. Nicholas Institution in Kalinganj. At this school, as well, he so distinguished himself that the headmaster advised that he be admitted into Muslim Boys' School in Dhaka, and then he went on to St. Gregory's High School. During his studies in school Tajuddin Ahmad always stood first in his class. In the ME Scholarship exam he won the first place in Dhaka District. Tajuddin Ahmad was also a Hafez (one who is intensely well-versed in the Holy Quran and knows the Holy Quran by heart). In 1942, when the World War II was going on, he received training in civil defense. In 1944, at the Matriculation exam, he won the twelfth place in the First Division, in Kolkata Board,the only existing board,in Bengal Province , during that period. In 1948 at the Intermediate (equivalent to HSC) exam he won the fourth place in the First Division,in Dhaka Board.

Tajuddin was all along associated with the Boy Scout movement.

 

Since his school days Tajuddin Ahmad had been involved in progressive movements, politics and social work. He had been imprisoned numerous times for his political activities for freedom, democracy and economic justice. He obtained a bachelor (Hons) degree in economics from Dhaka University . In the Provincial Election of 1954 he ran on the ticket of the Jukta (United) Front and defeated the General Secretary of the Muslim League by a wide margin and was elected MLA. As a student of law he attended his classes regularly but took the final examination while in jail and obtained the LL.B. degree. The famine of 1943 and its trail of deaths moved Tajuddin Ahmad deeply. After the famine he organized the people of the village into setting up a storage system called "Dharmagola" which was a novelty at the village level. In harvest season food grain would be collected from the rich and deposited in the storage so that food could be supplied to the hungry in time of disaster. He would work relentlessly for service to the needy. When Tajuddin Ahmad was an MLA, a boy named Abdul Aziz in his village was wounded from a gunshot. He brought the boy to the hospital and himself donated 10 ounces of blood with the purpose of saving the life of the victim. Later, on hearing that the boy died, he was deeply grieved.

 

From the time of his student days Tajuddin Ahmad was connected with the kind of politics which aimed to emancipate the people of Bengal . From 1943 onward he was an activist of the progressive Muslim League. In 1944 he was elected Councilor of the then Bengal Muslim League. In 1947 India was partitioned into two States, namely India and Pakistan . The State of Pakistan was divided into two wings called East Pakistan and West Pakistan , which were separated by twelve hundred miles. After the partition of India , Tajuddin was actively associated with every movement that was organized in Pakistan to resist communalism and to support economic emancipation and the language movement. When East Pakistan Students League was formed on 4th January 1948 he was one of its founders and devotedly discharged his onerous responsibility in this regard. He was an active member of All-Party State Language Movement which aimed to establish Bengali, the language spoken by the majority in East Pakistan as the State Language of Pakistan. When the Awami League was formed on 23 June, 1949 Tajuddin Ahmad was one of its main organizers. From 1953 to 1957 he was General Secretary of Dhaka District Awami League. In 1955 he was elected Social Welfare and Cultural Secretary of Awami League. He visited the United States as a State guest in 1958. The same year he visited the United Kingdom .

 

Syeda Zohra Khatun (Lily) and Tajuddin were married on April 26, 1959.

Tajuddin found an ideal life partner in Zohra . Their marriage inspired Tajuddin to continue his struggle for freedom and democracy. In 1962 he was actively involved in the movement for restoration of democracy and was imprisoned. In 1964 Tajuddin Ahmad played a key role in the revival of Awami League. In 1964 after being elected Awami League's Organizing Secretary he, under the leadership of Bangabandhu (the title Bangabandhu which means the Friend of Bengal was bestowed on Sheikh Mujibur Rahman by the people of Bangladesh), infused a new vigor into the party. In 1966 he attended with Bangabandhu the conference of opposition parties held in Lahore , (then) West Pakistan . At this conference Bangabandhu declared the Six Points, the charter of liberation of the Bangalees in (then) East Pakistan . Tajuddin was one of the key architects of the Six Points. By dint of his organizational skill and devotion he became a close associate of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. In the same year he was elected General Secretary of Awami League. While the movement for Six Points was ongoing he was arrested on May 8, 1966. He was released on February 12, 1969 in the face of mass upsurge. In the 1970 general election he was elected member of Pakistan 's National Assembly. In an attempt to deny the popular mandate and to foil by various stratagems, the Bangalees' struggle to realize their rights, Pakistan 's military dictator President Yahya Khan suddenly declared postponement of the session of the National Assembly on 3rd March, 1971. The unprecedented Non-Cooperation Movement was launched under the leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. In directing the organizational strategies of this movement and negotiating with the military rulers at the discussion table as a trusted associate of Bangabandhu, Tajuddin Ahmad proved his great talent and capabilities. While Bangabandhu could inspire people with hopes and dreams, it was Tajuddin who through his foresight and talent transformed those aspirations into realities. Indeed, Bangabandhu and Tajuddin were complimentary to each other.

 

On the night of 25 March, 1971 the Pakistani forces went on a genocide and arrested Bangabandhu and took him to West Pakistan the next day. Liberation war of the Bangalees began. The East Pakistan declared Independence from Pakistan and emerged as Bangladesh on March 26, 1971. In the absence of Bangabandhu the responsibility of leadership devolved on Tahuddin Ahmad. On April 10, 1971 the government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh was formed and Tajuddin became its Prime Minister by universal consent. This government took a formal oath of office in the presence of hundreds of local and foreign journalists and residents of the area on April 17, 1971. The Proclamation of Independence was read and the Oath took place in the Mango Orchard of Bayddanathtala in Kushtia , Bangladesh . Tajuddin renamed this place "Mujibnagar" which means the 'City of Mujib ' after Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He declared Mujibnagar as the official Capital of Bangladesh. Despite crippling obstacles he organized both the political and the military front within a short time. His abilities, sacrifice, devotion and patriotism inspired all. The successful leadership during the liberation war marked the finest period of Tajuddin Ahmad's life. During the liberation war the office of the exile Mujibnagar Government was established at No. 8 Theatre Road in Kolkata , India . In two rooms at one corner of No.8 Theatre Road Tajuddin set up his office and his residence. All through the liberation war Tajuddin Ahmad worked day and night in that temporary office of theatre road. He passed night after night in discomfort, ate whatever food was supplied by the mess, even did his own washing. He took a vow that till Bangladesh was liberated he would not lead a family life. As the Prime Minister of a nation ridden in war and its freedom fighters' away from their families Tajuddin wanted to share their sufferings as well as set an example. It is not possible to express in words the hard work that he did during the nine months of the war. During those months there was no rest for him. It was because of his capable leadership that the nation could win its independence within a record time of 266 days.

 

His firm resolve and commitment on the question of the country's liberation had no parallel. He was far from an opportunist. He would never compromise the interest of the nation. It was his unbreakable spirit that helped the nation to wriggle out of the deep crisis into which it was thrown. With his idealism and firmness of resolve and unique qualities of leadership he was able to spurn all inducements and strove single-mindedly towards his goal. He was not willing to settle for anything less than full independence. No one could deflect him in the slightest degree from his firm resolve. Because of his clear pragmatic thinking and courage he could reach the cherished goal in due time. Tajuddin Ahmad possessed the rare ability to make the right decision with intelligence in a moment of crisis.

 

He was able to create enthusiasm in the 75 million people of Bangladesh across parties and ideologies for freedom. During the liberation war the force of his inspiring leadership and overpowering oratory made the 75 million people of Bangladesh , irrespective of party and persuasion, into determined freedom fighters--an achievement that might not have been possible with any other leader. He knew no nepotism and treated every one, including his opponents and those who caused him harm, with fairness and justice.

 

After the victory in the liberation war and till Bangabandhu's return on 10 January 1972, Tajuddin directed the affairs of the state. He handed over the Prime Minister's position to the Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, on January 12,1972. After the transfer of power, he held the portfolios of Finance and Planning.He took great pains to build up a self-reliant and flourishing economy. He left a high mark as the Finance Minister of a newly independent nation. As a member of the constituion framing committee,Tajuddin was one of the key architects in framing the constitution of the newly liberated country.  His pragmatic approach to problem solving and stand for truth and justice won him many friends. It also won him enemies who relentlessly conspired to put obstacles in his path.

He resigned as the Minister of Finance on 26 October 1974.

 

On August 15, 1975 Bangabandhu with his family-members were assassinated by the usurpers. Tajuddin was house arrested on the morning of that day. He was taken to the central jail on August 22. On November 3, 1975,while in custody, Tajuddin Ahmad and his three colleagues and national leaders, Syed Nazrul Islam, M Mansur Ali and Kamruzzaman were brutally assassinated in violation of all prison rules and the law of the land. Besides wife Syeda Zohra Tajuddin, eldest daughter Sharmin Ahmad (Reepi), second daughter Simeen Hussain (Rimi), youngest daughter Mahjabeen Ahmad (Mimi) and the only son Tanjim Ahmad (Sohel), Tajuddin has left countless admirers. The Founder Prime Minister and the protagonist of the Bangladesh liberation war, Tajuddin Ahmad, who had dedicated his heart and soul to serving humanity and building Bangladesh into a happy, prosperous and independent nation, left this world as a martyr. He lived his life with highest integrity, and offered his life for the people's welfare. He never sought publicity nor media attention for himself. This selfless statesman who was endowed with brilliance, humility, courage and respect for people, irrespective of caste, creed or color was mercilessly killed by the enemies of the country's liberation. Yet, there is no death of an ideal. Tajuddin is immortalized in the history of Bangladesh and Bengalee peoples' Liberation through his noble works and glorious deeds.

 

Translation from Bangla by Muhammad Nurul Quadir (Freedom Fighter and Lawyer)

Revised by Sharmin Ahmad. April 14, 2008.

 

Book sources:

Tajuddin Ahmad: Itihasher Pata Theke. Edited by Simeen Hussain Rimi.Dhaka: Pratibhas,2000.

Independence of Bangladesh in 266 Days:History and Documentary Evidence.Muhammad Nurul Quadir.Dhaka.Mukto Publishers,2004.

 

COURTESY OF http://banglapedia.org/HT/A_0121.HTM

=========================================================================

 

Compilation: Our heroes, our pride, our four national leaders

 

Our heroes, our four national leaders-Syed Nazrul Islam, Acting President, Tajuddin Ahmed, Prime Minister, M Mansur Ali, Finance Minister and AHM Qamruzzaman, Minister for Home affairs, relief and rehabilitation were killed inside Dhaka Central Jail by a section of misguided soldiers inspired by defeated evil forces of darkness and  on this day November 3 of 1975.

 

Dear readers, my humble request to every single reader to rise above partisanship and all trivial differences and read the compilation below. Read to learn about our national leaders who lead the countries liberation to its final victory and made supreme sacrifice to uphold their belief but not giving up his honor.

 

Even if you do not share the same ideological path, share their value of remaining truthful what they believe in and not giving up their dignity when they faced the ultimate, the death.

 

On this day, I pay my homage and salute my fallen heroes of liberation and center of my inspiration along with Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman the father of the nation. I pray to my almighty creator and seek his divine blessing and forgiveness for all of our national leaders and millions of our loved ones who sacrificed their life for our country to be free and remain free.

 

I found some video link, which is remarkable imaging collection of facts about our national leader Tajuddin Ahmed, Prime Minister of our first provisional government during our glorious independence war. I wish I can collect video presentation about other national leaders who died on fateful night of November 3rd of 1975.

 

Sincerely yours

Shamim Chowdhury

 

 

 

TAJUDDIN AHMED : AN UNSUNG HERO [PART 01]

Video Link:http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gpzTCoUvkok 

 

TAJUDDIN AHMED : AN UNSUNG HERO [PART 02]

Video Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FbblQuf1ODk 

 

TAJUDDIN AHMED : AN UNSUNG HERO [part 03]

Video Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C3aKLLqjqOI 

 

 

 

Syed Nazrul Islam (1925 â€" 1975) was a Bangladeshi politician and a senior leader of the Awami League. During the Bangladesh Liberation War, he served as the acting President of Bangladesh in the absence of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

 

Early life

Syed Nazrul Islam was born in 1925 at Jamodal Dampara in the Kishoreganj District of the province of Bengal . He obtained degrees in history and law from the University of Dhaka and was an active student political leader in the Muslim League. Syed captained his college's cricket and hockey teams and participated in the Pakistan movement. He entered the civil service of Pakistan in 1949 but resigned in 1951 to work as a professor of history at the Anandmohan College in Mymensingh, where he also practised law.

 

 

Political career

Syed Nazrul's political career began when he joined the Awami Muslim League and participated in the Language Movement in 1952, for which he was arrested by Pakistani police. He would rise to various provincial and central party leadership positions, becoming a close confidante of the party's leader Sheikh Mujib. He was elected to the National Assembly of Pakistan in 1970, where he served briefly as deputy leader of the majority. Following the arrest of Mujib on March 25, 1971 by Pakistani forces, Syed escaped to Mujibnagar with other party leaders and proclaimed the independence of Bangladesh . Mujib was elected president of Bangladesh but Syed would serve as acting president, with Tajuddin Ahmed as prime minister. Syed played a key role in leading the nationalist cause, coordinating the Mukti Bahini guerrilla force and winning support from India and other nations.

 

After the independence of Bangladesh , Syed was appointed minister of industries, the deputy leader in parliament and a member of the constitution committee. When Mujib banned other political parties and assumed sweeping powers as president in 1975, Syed was appointed vice president and became a chief organiser of the BAKSAL party and Mujib loyalist groups.

 

 

Death

Following the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 15 August 1975 Syed fled underground with other Mujib loyalists such as Tajuddin Ahmed, A. H. M. Qamaruzzaman and Muhammad Mansur Ali, but was ultimately arrested by the regime of the new president Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad. The four leaders were imprisoned in the Dhaka Central Jail and assassinated on November 3 under controversial and mysterious circumstances. This day is commemorated every year in Bangladesh by the Awami League as Jail Killing Day.

 

 

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Tajuddin Ahmad (1925 - November 3, 1975) was a Bangladeshi politician who was one of the most prominent leaders of the Awami League. A statesman of a lofty magnitude he successfully headed the government at Mujibnagar during the Bangladesh Liberation War.He was instrumental in forming the first government of Peoples' Republic of Bangladesh on April 10, 1971.

 

Early life

Tajuddin Ahmad was born in 1925 in the village of Dardaria in the Gazipur District of the province of Bengal (now in Bangladesh).He studied the Holy Quran and memorized it with the guidance from his father Moulavi Muhammad Yasin Khan. He passed his matriculation exam in first division while earning a twelfth position in merit list nationwide in 1944.He earned an impressive fourth position in high school exam in 1948 and obtained a bachelor of arts degree with honors in Economics from Dhaka University in 1953. He would also later obtain a law degree. As a student activist, Ahmad became active in the Muslim League and the Pakistan movement. He would later organise the student wing of the Awami Muslim League in 1949, joining Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

 

 

Political career

Tajuddin Ahmad was an active organiser of protests and other activities during the Language Movement of 1952. He was arrested by police and imprisoned for several months. After his release, he was elected to the East Pakistan Provincial Assembly in 1954 but was arrested following the dismissal of the A. K. Fazlul Huq-led government. He would be arrested again following the imposition of martial law by Ayub Khan in 1958 after taking power in a military coup. Ahmed worked actively in the pro-democracy campaign led by the Awami League and other political parties in Pakistan . He organised protests against the arrest of Mujib in 1966 on charges of sedition. He participated at the round table conference in Rawalpindi convened by Ayub Khan to resolve the crisis between the government and the opposition parties. Following the restoration of democracy, he was elected member of the National Assembly of Pakistan in 1970.

 

Following the arrest of Mujib on March 25, 1971 by the Pakistan Army, and as the genocide of the helpless civilians began in the hands of the pakistan military,Ahmad organised a government-in-exile popularly known as the Mujibnagar government to win his nation freedom. Ahmad named the capital Mujibnagar,after Shaikh Mujibur Rahman.The oath taking ceremony of the first government of Bangladesh took place on the soil of Bangladesh ,in Meherpur,Kushtia on April 17,1971. As the first Prime Minister he led efforts to organise a guerrilla insurgency comprised of Bengali civilians and armed forces and win international support. During this period, Ahmad encounterd vehement intra party strifes led by khandokar Mushataq Ahmad who conspired to harm the national struggle for independence through a failed attempt to form a confederacy with pakistan . Among Ahmad's great diplomatic achievements were to win international support and recognition of Bangladesh as a sovereign nation by the government of India . After the independence of Bangladesh , Tajuddin Ahmad returned to Dhaka on 22 December 1971. In the subsequent cabinet formed under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Ahmad was given charge of the ministries of finance and planning. He was also appointed member of the committee in charge of writing the Constitution of Bangladesh.

 

 

Assassination

When Mujib assumed the title of president and banned other political parties in 1975, Ahmad opposed the forming of one party system known as BAKSAL. When Mujib was assassinated in by a group of army officers on 15 August 1975 Ahmad was house arreseted on the very same day.Later on August 22, he was arrested with other political leaders by the regime of the new president Khondaker Mostaq Ahmed and imprisoned at the Dhaka Central Jail. On November 3, in what became infamously known as the "Jail killings," Ahmad along with Syed Nazrul Islam, A. H. M. Qamaruzzaman and Muhammad Mansur Ali were killed by a group of army officers, by the direct instruction of Khondakar Mushtaq Ahmed. The recent release(March 25 2007) of a widely acclaimed documentary,Tajuddin Ahmad: An Unsung Hero(directed by Tanvir Mokammel)reflects a growing interest in the life anfd works of Tajuddin Ahmad.

 

 

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Muhammad Mansur Ali (b. 1919 - d. 1975) was a Bangladeshi politician who was a close confidante of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding leader of Bangladesh . A senior leader of the Awami League, Mansur also served as the Prime Minister of Bangladesh in 1975.

 

Early life

Muhammad Mansur Ali was born in the village of Kuripara , in the Kazipur Thana of Sirajganj District in the province of Bengal (now in Bangladesh ). Mansur pursued his education in Kolkata (then Calcutta ), graduating from the Islamia College (now Maulana Azad College ). He would pursue a M.A. degree in economics and law from the Aligarh Muslim University , the premier Islamic institution in India . During this period Mansur became an active member of the Muslim League, which under Muhammad Ali Jinnah demanded a separate Muslim state of Pakistan . A student leader, Mansur worked actively for the League throughout Bengal . He served as the vice-president of the Pabna District Muslim League from 1946 to 1950. After the creation of Pakistan in 1947, Mansur settled in what became East Pakistan . He would join the Pakistan Army, receive training at the cantonment at Jessore and attain the rank of army captain. Deciding to practise law, he enrolled in the Pabna District Court in 1951. test

 

Political career

Rising to public prominence, Mansur was widely known as "Capt. Mansur." He left the Muslim League to join the newly-formed Awami Muslim League of A. K. Fazlul Huq and Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. He would soon be elected member of the party's central executive committee and president of its Pabna District unit. Mansur was arrested by police in 1952 for helping to organise protests against the declaration of Urdu as the sole official language, in what became known as the Language Movement. Mansur and his party demanded that Bengali also receive recognition and the provinces be granted autonomy. After his release, Mansur was elected a member of the East Pakistan Legislative Assembly in 1954 as a candidate of the United Front alliance of various political parties. In the cabinet headed by Ataur Rahman Khan, Mansur served in different periods as the province's minister of law, parliamentary affairs, food, agriculture, commerce and industry. Mansur was re-arrested in the aftermath of the coup d'etat led by Ayub Khan, who became President of Pakistan and imposed martial law. He would remain incarcerated from 1958 to 1959.

 

 

Political Career

Mansur Ali played an important role in the Six point movement led by the Awami League politician Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who demanded substantial regional autonomy and opposed the military regime. Mansur was a key party organiser in the period when Mujib was arrested by the army. In the 1970 elections, he was elected a senior member of the legislative assembly. At the outbreak of the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971, Mansur went underground to organise a government in exile. Declaring the independence of Bangladesh , Mansur became the minister of finance in the Mujibnagar government. In this period, Mansur helped organise the guerrilla movement led by the Mukti Bahini and provide political leadership in the absence of Mujib, who had been arrested by Pakistani forces.

 

After the independence of Bangladesh , Mujib became the prime minister and appointed Mansur as the minister of communications and later home affairs. Mansur became a key political ally of Mujib and rose in importance as criticism and opposition to Mujib's regime increased. After the introduction of a one-party, presidential system in 1975, Mujib became the President of Bangladesh and assumed sweeping powers. Mansur was appointed the prime minister. He helped Mujib organise the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, the only legalised political party in the nation and served as its secretary-general. Mansur helped Mujib suppress political opposition, implement large-scale programmes under state socialism and organise a militia of political loyalists known as the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini, which was held responsible for the arrests, torturing and deaths of Mujib's opponents.

 

 

Death

On August 15, 1975 Mujib was assassinated along with his family by a group of military officers. It is believed that the plot was masterminded by Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, a disgruntled member of Mujib's regime who would become president. Mansur went into hiding immediately after the killing. When Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad invited Mujib loyalists such as Mansur Ali, Syed Nazrul Islam, A. H. M. Qamaruzzaman and Tajuddin Ahmad to join his government, the trio refused. They were arrested by the army on August 23, 1975. Refusing to support Khondaker's regime, they were murdered while incarcerated in the Dhaka Central Jail on November 3. At the time, Bangladesh was in political chaos as Khondaker's regime was overthrown by Mujib loyalist Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf, who in turn was overthrown by Colonel Abu Taher on November 7. Under the Indemnity Act issued by President Ziaur Rahman in 1978, the assassins were given immunity from prosecution. The murder case was finally opened in 1996 by the government of Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the daughter of Mujib. Three fugitive former army per­sonnel were sentenced to death and 12 former army personnel were awarded life term imprison­ment and five persons including four senior politicians were ac­quitted in the judgement of much talked about jail killing case.

 

 

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Abul Hasnat Muhammad Qamaruzzaman (1926 - November 3, 1975) was a Bangladeshi politician, senior government minister and a leading member of the Awami League. A loyalist of Bangladesh's founding leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Qamaruzzaman was murdered along with Syed Nazrul Islam, Muhammad Mansur Ali and Tajuddin Ahmed in the infamous "jail killings" in Dhaka Central Jail on November 3, 1975.

 

 

Early life

Qamaruzzaman was born in 1926 in the city of Rajshahi in the province of Bengal (now in Bangladesh ). He obtained degrees in economics from the University of Calcutta in 1946, and a law degree from the Rajshahi University in 1956. He began practising law after his induction in the Rajshahi District bar association. As a student, Qamaruzzaman became active in the Muslim League and worked for the Pakistan movement.

 

 

 Political career

Qamaruzzaman joined the Awami League of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1956. He was elected to the National Assembly of Pakistan in 1962, 1965 and again in 1970. He rose to national party leadership posts in the late 1960s, becoming a close ally of Mujib. During the Bangladesh Liberation War, Qamaruzzaman served as the minister of relief and rehabilitation in the provisional government of Bangladesh formed at Mujibnagar. After the creation of Bangladesh , he won election to the national parliament from Rajshahi in 1973. A minister in Mujib's cabinet, he resigned on January 18, 1974 to serve as president of the Awami League. In 1975, Qamaruzzaman was appointed minister of industries and a member of the executive committee of BAKSAL. He continued to support Mujib despite his assumption of dictatorial powers and a ban on all political parties except BAKSAL.

 

 

Death

After the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1975 Qamaruzzaman went underground with other Mujib loyalists. He was arrested by the regime of the new president Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad and imprisoned in the Dhaka Central Jail with Tajuddin Ahmed, Syed Nazrul Islam and Mansur Ali. These four senior Awami League politicians were killed under mysterious and controversial circumstances on November 3, even as a military coup led by Mujib loyalist general Khaled Mosharraf overthrew Khondaker Mostaq's regime.

 

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Courtesy of Wikipedia

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