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Tuesday, January 11, 2011

Re: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971--why we can not condemn all killing and make distinction among various sections of people even with regard to basic humanity




A lot of innocent people were caught in the middle during 71 (Mostly Bengalies and some Biharies). As long there were death of innocent civilians, we should cry for them and pray for them. It is also true a large part of migrant (Muhajirs from Bihar) supported the savagery of the then Pakistani Army. We need NOT to defend them but why this history should stop us from lamenting death of a child who happened to be bihari? If we can cry for Palestinians from Gaza (And we should!) we should stand up for innocent Biharies as well.  INNOCENT biharis decided to make Bangladesh their own country and they should be treated and remembered that way.


-----Original Message-----
From: Mahathir of BD <wouldbemahathirofbd@yahoo.com>
To: alochona <alochona@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wed, Jan 12, 2011 11:27 am
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971--why we can not condemn all killing and make distinction among various sections of people even with regard to basic humanity

 
those who cry for bihary killing, do they cry equally for the banglai killing by pak army?

The test of patriotism is not a one-off event for anyone, let alone the political quarters, that once passed is passed for ever. It is rather a perpetual process, especially for the ruling political quarters that have to pass it every moment- Nurul Kabir , Editor , The NewAge


--- On Tue, 11/1/11, S A Hannah <sahannan@sonarbangladesh.com> wrote:

From: S A Hannah <sahannan@sonarbangladesh.com>
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971--why we can not condemn all killing and make distinction among various sections of people even with regard to basic humanity [1 Attachment]
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Received: Tuesday, 11 January, 2011, 1:17 AM

 
 
We can not condemn Bihar killing because of one sided propaganda. Please read the other side of the story.

From: alochona@yahoogroups.com [mailto:alochona@yahoogroups.com] On Behalf Of maxx ombba
Sent: Tuesday, January 11, 2011 7:09 AM
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971
 
 
how many of us...have the courage to condemn the kiiling of innocent biharis in 1971!!
I live in a western society, with hundreds of educated Bangladeshi.
I seldom meet Bangladeshis...who can condemn ALL types of violence in 1971...because they might 
be called Rajakars!
 
What type of people we are:
 
1. we have allowed politicians to ...misuse.." rajakar issue"...and postpone the trial?
 
2. we don't re-discover ourselves...by condemning OUR brutality towards Biharis?
 
3. If anybody has different opinion about 1971..we call them razakars!!!
 
it is time for us to wake up, and practise true democracy.
 
best wishes.
 
khoda hafez.



From: mramjan@hotmail.com
Date: Mon, 27 Dec 2010 06:11:46 -0500
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971



 
Liberation of Mymensingh
 
The nine-month liberation war of Bangladesh started on 27 March 1971 as people started to fight against Pakistani forces at EPR Camp (in mymensingh) killing all the Pakistani soldiers, Mymensingh remained free from occupation army till 23 April 1971. Despite the genocide in Dhaka on 25 March 1971, Mymensingh remained calm except for killing of Biharis. On 17 April PAF aircraft bombed and strafed innocent people at Shambhuganj gudaraghat which sparked violence and killing continues for seven days of Beharis in different Behari camps in Mymensing town killing about 30,000 Biharies. The killing of Biharis (in Mymensingh) is a dark spot in Bangladesh history. The senseless killing of All Bihari men and young adults took place in Sanki pAra Behari coloni. All the  Biharis were slaughtered on those fateful nights. Fight against Pakistani forces was conducted by freedom fighters who were trained in camps in Dalu and Meghalaya across the northern border. Mymensingh became free as the Pakistani occupation forces deserted Mymensing on 10 December, and Mukti Bahini took over on 11 December, just five days ahead of the victory of Dhaka on 16 December.


 


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Re: [ALOCHONA] SAUDI ARABIA: RETHINKING ITS SOUL



If Saudis are willing to get away from their arrogant and extremist mentality, we should encourage it. No point living in the past it will not change our past. However to work for a better future will depend on what we do today!



-----Original Message-----
From: Farida Majid <farida_majid@hotmail.com>
To: Alochona Alochona <alochona@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Tue, Jan 11, 2011 10:34 am
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] SAUDI ARABIA: RETHINKING ITS SOUL

 
         Muqtedar Khan makes a false distinction between the House of Saud and the House of Wahhab. The Royal Family itself descends from a Saud-Wahhab marriage covenant in the 18th century.
 
             Seven long years have passed since Muqtedar made these optimistic observations. There is nothing to show as a sign of any thinking, let alone "rethinking".  The grotesque and gargantuan Mecca Clock Tower is all there is as a showpiece of what kind of thinking they are capable of engaging in.
 
             Let us not fool ourselves by trusting Saudi Arabia to have any sort of 'soul' whatsoever. Neither do the Jamaati political hoods in Bangladesh or the supporters of Genocide of 1971.
 
             The rest of the Muslim world, especially the ajami, should protest loud and clear.
 
                   Farida Majid

 

From: bdmailer@gmail.com
Date: Wed, 29 Dec 2010 10:14:38 +0600
Subject: [ALOCHONA] SAUDI ARABIA: RETHINKING ITS SOUL

 
SAUDI ARABIA: RETHINKING ITS SOUL
 
M. A. Muqtedar Khan
 
This article was syndicated in North America by Progressive Media Project. It was published by Al Ahram (Egypt)  May 6-12, 2004.  The Daily Times (Pakistan) 05.06.2004, The Daily Star (Lebanon) 05.06.2004, The Globalist (USA), Q-News (UK) June/2004, The Muslim Observer (Michigan) and The Minaret (CA), The Providence Journal (RI) 05.15.2004, The Saudi-American Forum 05.07.2004.
 
I  have just returned from Saudi Arabia, where I attended an international conference on terrorism (April 20-22) at the Imam Muhammad University in Riyadh  – the global headquarters of Wahabism. 

 
Imam Muhammad University is the factory where Wahabism is produced and serviced in Saudi Arabia. A large number of the Saudi clerics are educated and trained here. Nearly twenty thousand students study the core teachings of Abdul Wahhab, the founder of the Saudi Salafi movement, which is sometimes derogatorily and often popularly referred to as Wahabism.
 
In my previous in visits in1992, 1997 and 2000, I had found the Saudis to be proud of what they had become. They had covered a distance of nearly seven centuries on the back of oil in less than thirty years. They were arrogant, confident and sure of themselves and their place in the Muslim world and on the global stage.
  
But today they are confused, unsure, hesitant, apologetic and willing to accommodate. Some are belligerent even bellicose. But most people that I encountered, students, political elite, scholars, businessmen, professionals and cab drivers, are perplexed by terrorism within Saudi Arabia and by Saudis.
 
For a society, which was so remarkably free from a culture of self-criticism, I found the Saudi Arabia of today, more willing to listen; and that is the best news I have.
 
The conference itself revealed the extent and depth of rethinking taking place within Saudi Arabia. I was extremely critical of Wahabism as well as Saudi policies in closed-door sessions and found the Saudi scholars and the various ministers who were in attendance, open and willing to listen, sometimes they were in agreement, sometimes they were baffled, never offended.  Some even encouraged me to speak more.
 
There were of course the usual number of sycophants and apologists, but even they seemed apprehensive and willing to question their own beliefs. Several American and British scholars criticized the lack of critical thinking and openness in Saudi education and we were all pleasantly surprised when they responded by asking for help in introducing critical thinking in their pedagogy.
 
I ran into a member of the Majlis-e-Shura (the Saudi pretense for a parliament) at a TV studio where I recorded a one-hour interview on Islamic democracy, and he berated me for not being more critical than I was. I listened to him lambast the university and Wahhabi clerics for being the source of the problem behind terrorism in Saudi Arabia.  "All they teach," he said, "is to hate those who are different." "We are a country that is economically in the twentieth century and intellectually in the fourteenth century." I advised him to speak to his country and King as he spoke to me, as often as possible and as loudly as possible.
 
The House of Saud has long relied on the Wahhabi movement for domestic control and legitimacy and on the US for international security. But after September 11, these two allies of Saudi Arabia are being perceived as antagonistic. The House of Saud could not have both as allies anymore.
 
It is now becoming apparent that the House of Saud has chosen America over Wahabism.It is determined to maintain its relations with the US and is actively seeking to reform Wahabism and reconstitute the domestic basis of its rule.
 
The Saudi society is composed of two types of elite; the conservative and religious elite and the liberal political and economic elite. For decades the latter had focused on retaining political power and milking the oil cow. In exchange for freedom to become rich, the ruling elite allowed the religious elite the freedom to preach. Without a cultural of internal criticism, without an engaging alternate elite, without the emergence of self-critical and reflective voices within the religious establishment, the specter of Wahabism has grown and now is out of the hands of those who nurtured it.
 
Wahhabi ideas are now so deeply embedded that neither the ruling elite, who had abdicated their normative responsibilities until now, and the religious elite who are afraid of what they have created, can rein it in. Any attempts at sudden reforms may upset the delicate balance within the society and empower those who have decided to use terrorism to replace both types of elite.
 
Saudi Arabia needs to push both social and political reforms without undermining domestic and regional stability. It must fast track its social reform and maintain a steady progress towards political reform. The promise of municipal elections must be kept and the momentum towards more representative and accountable governance must be sustained.
 
It is time that Saudi Arabia stopped looking backwards for guidance and started looking forwards. Those who drive by looking in the rearview mirror only are destined to crash.
 
Terrorism by extreme Wahhabis, for whom the clerics and the royal family are not sufficiently Islamic, is once again forging a new social contract between the religious and the ruling elite. This time the House of Saud and the House of Abdul Wahhab will not come together to establish Wahhabism, but to dismantle Wahhabism and replace it with a self-critical, open, more moderate, and softer form of Salafi traditions.
 
But before that can happen the moderates within the religious establishment must prevail over the extremists and be prepared to make significant compromises – maybe even deviations – in the Wahhabi doctrine and in Wahhabi institutions. The extremists will then be isolated and can be fought both in the realm of doctrine as well as in the battlefield.
 
The staging of the terrorism conference at the Imam Muhammad University and the seriousness of the dialogue, its high degree of openness and criticism, have definitely raised expectations. Let us hope that Saudi Arabia can make the transition without trauma.
----------------
Dr. Muqtedar Khan is Assistant Professor in the department of Political Science and International Relations at the University of Delaware. He is also a Nonresident Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution. He earned his Ph.D. in International Relations, Political Philosophy, and Islamic Political Thought,  from Georgetown University in May 2000.

Dr. Khan is also associated with the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy and the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding.

He is the author of American Muslims: Bridging Faith and Freedom (Amana, 2002), Jihad for Jerusalem: Identity and Strategy in International Relations (Praeger, 2004). His forthcoming book is titled Beyond Jihad and Crusade: Rethinking US Policy in the Muslim World (Brookings Institution, 2004).

Dr. Khan frequently comments on BBC, CNN, FOX and VOA TV, NPR and other radio networks. His political commentaries appear regularly in newspapers in over 20 countries.  He has also lectured in North America, East Asia, Middle East and Europe.

Dr. Khan's column has appeared in The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, Newsweek (Arabic), New York Post, Newsday, Arizona Tribune, Duluth News Tribune, The Daily Telegraph (London), The Sun (UK), Jakarta Post, Jordan Times, Manila Times, Outlook India, Palestine Times, Calgary Herald, The Daily Telegram (MI), San Francisco Chronicle, Detroit Free Press, Detroit News, Al Ahram (Egypt), Dawn (Pakistan), Daily Times (Pakistan), Hindustan Times (India),  Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, Muslim Democrat,  The Christian Century, Islamic Horizons, The Message,   The Globalist.com, Arab News (Saudi Arabia)  Progressive.org, 
fpif.org,   Beliefnet.com, Arabies Trends, Al-Mustaqbal, Saudi Gazette, and many other periodicals world wide.


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[ALOCHONA] Re: [KHABOR] Re: Bangladesh hangs on the barbed wire



Friends


Because of uneven, subjugative n subservient friendship with the bestial power do you think that Rose will be hanging instead of dead corpse ????????????      Oh ! no ! we(not the majority) totally mistook the friendship a real one
Bangladeshis have been made stupid by the parties in discussion. The hidden agenda is being implemented with full force and ferocity.

Faruque Alamgir

On Tue, Jan 11, 2011 at 7:35 PM, Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com> wrote:
 

Zoglul Husain <zoglul@hotmail.co.uk> writes:

This is absolutely heart rending. No less heart wrenching are the
deaths of about a thousand other poor and hapless villagers in similar
circumstances over the last ten years. The important thing to realise
is that: a country, which perpetrates such brutal atrocities to
Bangladeshis with such trigger happiness, can never be a friend of
Bangladesh, until and unless it changes its policies towards
Bangladesh.

It is therefore imperative upon us to hold meetings and demos about
these, in order to give message to the whole country to unite the
people in our struggle to protect our independence and sovereignty
against the vicious conspiracies of the Indian hegemonists and their
lackeys in Bangladesh.

On 1/11/11, Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com> wrote:
> *Bangladesh hangs on the barbed wire *
>
>
> http://www.sonarbangladesh.com/leadpics/20110111050115felani2.jpg
>
> *http://www.sonarbangladesh.com/article.php?ID=4514*<http://www.sonarbangladesh.com/articles/AlfazAnam>
>




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[ALOCHONA] Low and disorder !



Low and disorder
 
 
 


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[ALOCHONA] Bangladesh-India relaions



Bangladesh-India relaions
 
 
 
 
 


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RE: [ALOCHONA] WIKILEAKS EXPOSÉ: Hasina's 'pro-India slant'



jalal,


what you mean by that...walked miles?
www.kiva.org...is a simple, dependable way to help people.

khoda hafez.







To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
From: jam1364@hotmail.com
Date: Tue, 11 Jan 2011 12:21:10 +0000
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] WIKILEAKS EXPOSÉ: Hasina's 'pro-India slant'



Dear Isha, primary production of news and dissemination is the task of journalist. suggest you do something with substance and help people with your potential. There are lots of geo political commentary but people need more than that.
PS. i walked miles to see people and help people. try that and you might like it more.
 




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RE: [ALOCHONA] Re: [Dahuk]: Stocks suffer biggest crash



why will u invest...if you don't understand a,b,c of shares + investment?


Nobody told these morons, dumb....that stock-market is a very risky, unpredictable investment!!!!

Cheers.







To: dahuk@yahoogroups.com; WideMinds@yahoogroups.com; sonarbangladesh@yahoogroups.com; notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com; alochona@yahoogroups.com; amra-bangladesi@yahoogroups.com; anis.ahmed@netzero.net; aminul_islam_raj@yahoo.com; abidbahar@yahoo.com; s_ayubi786@yahoo.com; moassghar@yahoo.com; amin_chaudhury@yahoo.com; alapon@yahoogroups.com
From: faruquealamgir@gmail.com
Date: Tue, 11 Jan 2011 18:51:08 +0600
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Re: [Dahuk]: Stocks suffer biggest crash



As reported by the media some foreign stock brokers were involved in the disastrous destruction of Share Market and the government is also doubting.The investors lost 64,000(Sixty Four Thousand) Crores of Taka on one single day if the three other black days included then the amount would rise up to more then 100,000(One hundred thousand) Crore Taka.

Detractors say it the same game of repayment as like 1996 as gratitude to eternal freinds. While the price of stock were rising abnormally  in 1996 then  PM and Finance Minister (1st Class 1st) boasted  that that was due successful handling of economy by BAL league Govt. which is an indicator of economical development of the country. But later they retreated from their chivalrous statement n blamed unknown enemies !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Where the middle class people will go ? The people were forced to go to the Share market since the Govt. withdrew higher rate of interest on Shanchaya Patra n Govt. bonds which were the  favoured n safe investment tools of the pensioner, middle and lower income group. Now hundreds of them have become pauper as we saw in TV interview by the affected.By this bungling the rich has become more filthy rich n the poor is left to starve. But there are some insane and  unsound chamchas who will start beating the drum that this is not disaster but indicator of economic elevation of ..

Faruque Alamgir 

On Mon, Jan 10, 2011 at 11:41 AM, Isha Khan <bd_mailer@yahoo.com> wrote:
 

Stocks nosedive
 
PM orders probe into market instability as DSE suffers a historic 600-pt fall; Muhith urges investors to have patience
 

The stock market lurched into a deep crisis, as it suffered the biggest fall yesterday in its 55-year history despite market sweeteners from the regulator.

The General Index of Dhaka Stock Exchange nosedived by 600 points or 7.75 percent to 7,135 at the end of yesterday's four-hour trading.
 

The fall prompted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to ask the authorities concerned to find out the reasons behind the market instability.

The directive came at a weekly cabinet meeting at the Bangladesh Secretariat with Hasina in the chair.

"The prime minister has taken the issue seriously and directed us to look into it," a cabinet minister said after the meeting.

Finance Minister AMA Muhith said efforts are underway to restore confidence to investors and urged them to have patience. The SEC has taken steps to give the most possible support to the investors, he said.

The minister advised new investors to wise up to the price-earnings ratio of a company before putting money in it.

He was briefing journalists at his residence in the capital.

Muhith also warned that the government would not tolerate any vandalism or demonstration on the street over a fall in share prices.

The fall defied all measures by the regulator that either lifted or relaxed restrictions to boost the volatile market, which slumped for the fifth consecutive day yesterday.

The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) announced in the morning that it had withdrawn the restriction on single-client credit exposure that previously allowed an investor to receive highest Tk 10 crore loan.

The SEC also relaxed margin loan criteria for new investors making them eligible for share credit after 15 days, instead of 30 days, from the date of opening BO accounts.

The decisions came at an SEC meeting, with its Chairman Ziaul Haque Khondker in the chair. Officials and merchant bankers of Dhaka and Chittagong stock exchanges were also present.

Anwarul Kabir Bhuiyan, executive director and an SEC spokesperson, told journalists that the SEC also decided to allow Grameenphone shareholders to receive netting facilities from now.

Yesterday's fall in share prices was even greater than the market crash in 1996 when the stocks plunged by highest six percent on a single-day.

Market insiders have blamed the slump on liquidity constraints, a monetary tightening measure by the central bank to curb inflation.

Many investors were caught in a price trap; those who bought shares at high prices were unwilling to sell them at a lower price. Besides, they were not confident enough to put fresh funds in the market that experienced sales pressure on profit taking.

The credit providers could not extend additional loan facility to clients for costly borrowing with institutional investors sitting idle due to expensive liquidity in the money market.

"Although the SEC relaxed and lifted some of its restrictions, they failed to stop the slide in share prices, mainly due to liquidity crisis," said Salahuddin Ahmed Khan, professor of finance at Dhaka University.

Moreover, retail investors withdrew several thousand crore taka to apply for the Mobil-Jamuna IPO, he said.

"It seems the retail investors panicked seeing the constant slump in the market," said Salahuddin, also a former DSE chief executive officer.

With the market remaining volatile from the opening bell, additional police and Rab members were deployed in front of the DSE building to avoid any untoward incident.

A group of investors tried to bring out a procession on the Motijheel street. The law enforcers dispersed them and held an investor.

Rab also detained Monjur Ahmed, special correspondent of Daily Prothom Alo, while he was covering the events at the DSE. He was released 20 minutes later.

Retail investors in Sylhet took to the streets in the afternoon protesting the unusual fall in share prices, reports our Sylhet correspondent.

They brought out two processions from the city's Zindabazar and the RN tower. The protesters paraded the main roads and dispersed at Chouhatta.
 
 
 







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RE: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971--why we can not condemn all killing and make distinction among various sections of people even with regard to basic humanity



Of-course, why not.

But very few Bangladeshis have condemned the killing of biharis , grabbing bihari properties, corruption of AL
immediately after kicking out Pakistanias.

AL simply proved ....what many people feared.......faltu, thugs will enjoy life...by kicking out Pakistania.

Thats why AL created sk. Moni ( no 1 thug in Bangladesh history), ! party system + rakkhi-bahini etc.

we should be matured enough to condemn...all types of violence and corruption.

khoda hafez.







To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
From: wouldbemahathirofbd@yahoo.com
Date: Tue, 11 Jan 2011 04:51:36 -0800
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971--why we can not condemn all killing and make distinction among various sections of people even with regard to basic humanity



those who cry for bihary killing, do they cry equally for the banglai killing by pak army?

The test of patriotism is not a one-off event for anyone, let alone the political quarters, that once passed is passed for ever. It is rather a perpetual process, especially for the ruling political quarters that have to pass it every moment- Nurul Kabir , Editor , The NewAge


--- On Tue, 11/1/11, S A Hannah <sahannan@sonarbangladesh.com> wrote:

From: S A Hannah <sahannan@sonarbangladesh.com>
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971--why we can not condemn all killing and make distinction among various sections of people even with regard to basic humanity [1 Attachment]
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Received: Tuesday, 11 January, 2011, 1:17 AM

 

 

We can not condemn Bihar killing because of one sided propaganda. Please read the other side of the story.


From: alochona@yahoogroups.com [mailto:alochona@yahoogroups.com] On Behalf Of maxx ombba
Sent: Tuesday, January 11, 2011 7:09 AM
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971

 

 

how many of us...have the courage to condemn the kiiling of innocent biharis in 1971!!

I live in a western society, with hundreds of educated Bangladeshi.

I seldom meet Bangladeshis...who can condemn ALL types of violence in 1971...because they might 

be called Rajakars!

 

What type of people we are:

 

1. we have allowed politicians to ...misuse.." rajakar issue"...and postpone the trial?

 

2. we don't re-discover ourselves...by condemning OUR brutality towards Biharis?

 

3. If anybody has different opinion about 1971..we call them razakars!!!

 

it is time for us to wake up, and practise true democracy.

 

best wishes.

 

khoda hafez.



From: mramjan@hotmail.com
Date: Mon, 27 Dec 2010 06:11:46 -0500
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971



 
Liberation of Mymensingh
 
The nine-month liberation war of Bangladesh started on 27 March 1971 as people started to fight against Pakistani forces at EPR Camp (in mymensingh) killing all the Pakistani soldiers, Mymensingh remained free from occupation army till 23 April 1971. Despite the genocide in Dhaka on 25 March 1971, Mymensingh remained calm except for killing of Biharis. On 17 April PAF aircraft bombed and strafed innocent people at Shambhuganj gudaraghat which sparked violence and killing continues for seven days of Beharis in different Behari camps in Mymensing town killing about 30,000 Biharies. The killing of Biharis (in Mymensingh) is a dark spot in Bangladesh history. The senseless killing of All Bihari men and young adults took place in Sanki pAra Behari coloni. All the  Biharis were slaughtered on those fateful nights. Fight against Pakistani forces was conducted by freedom fighters who were trained in camps in Dalu and Meghalaya across the northern border. Mymensingh became free as the Pakistani occupation forces deserted Mymensing on 10 December, and Mukti Bahini took over on 11 December, just five days ahead of the victory of Dhaka on 16 December.


 



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[ALOCHONA] 56 more ‘politically motivated’ cases to be dropped



56 more 'politically motivated' cases to be dropped


The government has decided to drop 56 more politically morivated cases. With this in total 6,7 11 politically motivated cases have been selected for withdrawal which include only 2 against leaders of BNP, 4 against Jatiya Party, one against lawyers, 5 against Proshika while all others against AL.(The BD Today)

In the latest and 25th meeting of the special committee on Tuesday recommendations have been made for withdrawal of 56 more more 'politically motivated' cases.

State Minister for Law Qamrul Islam. said on Tuesday that the national committee to review politically motivated cases examined 1479 cases and selected the 56 for withdrawal as politically motivated cases.

Among the cases recommended for dropping on Tuesday one is against former Awami League MP Mokbul Hossain and four against Dr Kazi Faruk, former chairman of Proshika.

Earlier, the The 24th meeting of inter-ministerial committee on 'politically motivated' cases was held on DEcember 28. Quamrul Islam presided. Till that day recommendations were made for withdrawal of 6655 cases.

The Home Ministry invited applications in February last year for the review of cases which were filed on political grounds. The deadlines for submitting applications were extended thrice till July 12 last year.

It may be pointed out that most of those whose cases were recommended for withdrawal belong to the ruling party and its front organizations, triggering resentment in the opposition BNP circles as its leaders are also bearing loads of such cases on charges of graft that had taken place during their rule.

The scrutiny committee on October 13, 2009 in its eighth meeting recommended dropping one case against opposition leader Khaleda Zia's son Tarique Rahman and one corruption case against former president and Jatiya Party chief HM Ershad MP. Earlier on August 26, 2009 one case against BNP leader Moudud Ahmed was also withdrawn.

http://www.thebangladeshtoday.com/leading%20news.htm


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[ALOCHONA] ‘Islamic secularism’ in Bangladesh: New Ed Policy reviewed by Jyoti Rahman

Can Mr Nahid and his education policy that can one day create a secular state in Bangladesh.

'Islamic secularism' in Bangladesh: Jyoti Rahman
'Bengal's mothers and daughters are all freedom fighters'
KAFILA
http://kafila.org/2011/01/11/islamic-secularism-in-bangladesh-jyoti-rahman/

Guest post by JYOTI RAHMAN a Bangladeshi blogger and can be contacted at jyoti dot rahman at drishtipat dot org. Previously by Jyoti Rahman on Kafila:

Bangladesh will mark its 40th year of independence in 2011. The celebrations have already begun, and will continue until next December. The TV channels are already playing patriotic tunes. One such tune is Shona shona shona. The song says the land, mati, of Bangladesh is better than gold, and under this land sleeps many heroes: Rafiq, Shafiq, Barkat, Titu Mir and Isa Khan.

Who are these heroes? Rafiq, Shafiq and Barkat were killed by the Pakistani authorities during the language uprising of 1952 — a milestone moment in Bangladesh's nationalism. Titu Mir defied the East India Company and organised a peasant revolt in the 19th century. Isa Khan was a Bengali chieftain who resisted the Mughals in the 16th century.

Notice how all of these heroes are Bengali Muslim men?

The song was written in the late 1960s. It was a regular staple at the Shadhin Bangla Betar (Radio Free Bengal) — the resistance broadcasters that inspired the Mukti Bahini against the Pakistanis in 1971. And yet, the song didn't include Surjya Sen or Pritilata Waddedar (Chittagong-based militant revolutionaries killed by the Raj in the 1930s).

And that's the blind spot, the paradox, of Bangladesh's nationalism. Even in its most progressive form, the nationalist narrative finds it difficult to accommodate people who are not Bengali Muslim (and the inherent patriarchy means women are missing from the HIStory).

Of course, this wasn't the only song played by the rebel radio station in 1971. Another regular staple was a song that translated as 'We fight to save a flower'. That song doesn't even mention Bengal, let alone its supposedly glorious past or its heroes. It does, however, talk about the freedom fighters' struggle to ensure a smiling face, a new poem, a good film. You see, nationalism wasn't the only ideology motivating Bangladesh's freedom movement — the ethos of secularism and a progressive society were important to many who joined the war.

But these ethos lost in the battlefield of ideas in the liberated Bangladesh. The post-1971 political order claimed Mujibism as its ideology. In theory, Mujibism composed of nationalism, democracy, socialism and secularism — these four 'high ideals' were enshrined in the country's constitution in 1972. In reality, Mujibism was little more than a cult of personality built around the iconic leader of the freedom movement, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

After a macabre dance of death, deluge and massacre in 1975, Mujibism went out, and nationalism came in. And that nationalism proved to be no more inclusive than the one described above.

In retrospect, perhaps it's not difficult to explain how things have turned out. For much of the past two centuries, Bengali Muslims had wrestled with their identity — Muslims first with ties to the Islamic world beyond Khyber, or Hindu-Muslim bhai bhai (ever heard of Hindu-Muslim sorority?), or children of Mother India… you get the drift. Until that internal struggle of the majority community played out to a resolution, perhaps no other ideology — be it secularism or environmentalism or any other -ism — could have held the public attention. This is particularly important for secularism — until the Bengali Muslims were comfortable in their own skin, perhaps it was too much to hope that he would notice others around them.

Perhaps that's why the 1960s and the 1970s were not the time for secularism (or other progressive ideas). Perhaps those ideas had to wait until a politically stable and economically viable Bangladesh emerged for the Bengali Muslims to relax.

Perhaps. But the story is more complicated than that.

In addition to articulating Bangladeshi nationalism, the regime of Gen Ziaur Rahman regime replaced secularism with 'trust in the Almighty Allah' as a 'high ideal' in the constitution through a martial law decree. As Zia was a key freedom fighter in 1971, the idea that secularism was an integral part of Bangladesh's freedom was dealt a severe blow by this act.

His successor, Gen HM Ershad, amended the constitution to make Islam the state religion. Ershad was never particularly popular among the country's urban populace, and by the summer of 1988 — when the amendment took place — was facing regular street protests. He was overthrown by a people power uprising in December 1990.

His successors amended the constitution in August 1990 to establish a parliamentary form of government. But no one ever made a promise to restore secularism. Mujib's Awami League, which paid lip service to secularism, allied with the fundamentalist Jamaat-e-Islami in the mid-1990s, and in 2006 promised another fundamentalist group in 2006 that it would make fatwa legal and pass a blasphemy act (these promises were later retracted). Zia's Bangladesh Nationalist Party never claimed to believe secularism, and ruled in coalition with Jamaat between 2001 and 2006.

Even in December 2008, when an Awami League led alliance won a massive landslide promising to root out militant and fundamentalist Islamism and promised to restore the 'spirit of 1971', hardly a word was said about creating a secular republic.

It seemed that secularism had no supporter in Bangladesh.

Then two things happened last year: one of which has restored secularism in the country's constitution and has been greeted with much hoopla; but it is the other, less noticed one, that may make secularism an enduring idea.

In July, the country's Supreme Court ruled that the 1979 constitutional amendment that deleted secularism from the constitution was illegal because it legitimised actions and decrees of martial law regimes. This meant that secularism was once again a 'high ideal' in the constitution. It appeared that Bangladesh was once again a secular state.

Appearances, however, can be deceiving. The constitution of Bangladesh, as it stands today, says that secularism is a 'high ideal' upon which the republic is founded, but Islam continues to be the republic's state religion. The government has formed an all-party parliamentary committee to amend the constitution in light of the Supreme Court judgment, but the Prime Minister has explicitly promised that Islam's status as the state religion will stay in the constitution, as will Allah. Nothing will be done to hurt the sentiment of the majority, but Bangladesh will be a secular state. In Pakistan, Zulfi Bhutto promised Islamic socialism. It seems that Sheikh Hasina promises Islamic secularism in Bangladesh.

It's not, however, all bad news as far as secularism is concerned. The current government has a large number of ministers who once belonged in the left movement. Nurul Islam Nahid, the education minister, is one such. He was a senior member of the Communist Party of Bangladesh until 1991. Upon becoming the minister, he made a new education policy one of his key priorities.

A committee comprising of progressive intellectuals and educators drafted a policy promising a secular and humanist education system. This draft was released in late 2009 for public consultation. In the 'top down' political tradition of Bangladesh, this was novel. Whereas none of the court judgment, the prime ministerial promise, the martial law decree, or the original constitution of 1972 left any room for public discussion about what secularism is and isn't, all stakeholders debated the 'secular education policy' for over a year. In this time, Mr Nahid and his committee took on board recommendations from pro-BNP experts, and his predecessor in the last BNP government publicly endorsed the new policy — a bipartisan rarity in the hyper-partisan Bangladeshi polity. The policy was formally adopted by the parliament late last year.

Most importantly for the prospect of a truly secular Bangladesh, the education policy seeks to modernise the country's madrassahs. In this, Mr Nahid has sought and received support of a large section of Islamic scholars. Once the policy is fully implemented, even the madrassah students will be taught secular and humanist values.

Much more important than the Supreme Court verdict, which is effectively nullified by the politicians, it is Mr Nahid and his education policy that can one day create a secular state in Bangladesh.

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