From: Mahathir of BD <wouldbemahathirofbd@yahoo.com>
To: alochona <alochona@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wed, Jan 12, 2011 11:27 am
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971--why we can not condemn all killing and make distinction among various sections of people even with regard to basic humanity
those who cry for bihary killing, do they cry equally for the banglai killing by pak army?
--- On Tue, 11/1/11, S A Hannah <sahannan@sonarbangladesh.com> wrote:
From: S A Hannah <sahannan@sonarbangladesh.com>
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971--why we can not condemn all killing and make distinction among various sections of people even with regard to basic humanity [1 Attachment]
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Received: Tuesday, 11 January, 2011, 1:17 AM
Sent: Tuesday, January 11, 2011 7:09 AM
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971
Date: Mon, 27 Dec 2010 06:11:46 -0500
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971
Liberation of Mymensingh
The nine-month liberation war of Bangladesh started on 27 March 1971 as people started to fight against Pakistani forces at EPR Camp (in mymensingh) killing all the Pakistani soldiers, Mymensingh remained free from occupation army till 23 April 1971. Despite the genocide in Dhaka on 25 March 1971, Mymensingh remained calm except for killing of Biharis. On 17 April PAF aircraft bombed and strafed innocent people at Shambhuganj gudaraghat which sparked violence and killing continues for seven days of Beharis in different Behari camps in Mymensing town killing about 30,000 Biharies. The killing of Biharis (in Mymensingh) is a dark spot in Bangladesh history. The senseless killing of All Bihari men and young adults took place in Sanki pAra Behari coloni. All the Biharis were slaughtered on those fateful nights. Fight against Pakistani forces was conducted by freedom fighters who were trained in camps in Dalu and Meghalaya across the northern border. Mymensingh became free as the Pakistani occupation forces deserted Mymensing on 10 December, and Mukti Bahini took over on 11 December, just five days ahead of the victory of Dhaka on 16 December.
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Tuesday, January 11, 2011
Re: [ALOCHONA] Liberation of Mymensingh, 1971--why we can not condemn all killing and make distinction among various sections of people even with regard to basic humanity
Re: [ALOCHONA] SAUDI ARABIA: RETHINKING ITS SOUL
From: Farida Majid <farida_majid@hotmail.com>
To: Alochona Alochona <alochona@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Tue, Jan 11, 2011 10:34 am
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] SAUDI ARABIA: RETHINKING ITS SOUL
Seven long years have passed since Muqtedar made these optimistic observations. There is nothing to show as a sign of any thinking, let alone "rethinking". The grotesque and gargantuan Mecca Clock Tower is all there is as a showpiece of what kind of thinking they are capable of engaging in.
Let us not fool ourselves by trusting Saudi Arabia to have any sort of 'soul' whatsoever. Neither do the Jamaati political hoods in Bangladesh or the supporters of Genocide of 1971.
The rest of the Muslim world, especially the ajami, should protest loud and clear.
Farida Majid
From: bdmailer@gmail.com
Date: Wed, 29 Dec 2010 10:14:38 +0600
Subject: [ALOCHONA] SAUDI ARABIA: RETHINKING ITS SOUL
M. A. Muqtedar Khan
This article was syndicated in North America by Progressive Media Project. It was published by Al Ahram (Egypt) May 6-12, 2004. The Daily Times (Pakistan) 05.06.2004, The Daily Star (Lebanon) 05.06.2004, The Globalist (USA), Q-News (UK) June/2004, The Muslim Observer (Michigan) and The Minaret (CA), The Providence Journal (RI) 05.15.2004, The Saudi-American Forum 05.07.2004.
I have just returned from Saudi Arabia, where I attended an international conference on terrorism (April 20-22) at the Imam Muhammad University in Riyadh – the global headquarters of Wahabism.
Imam Muhammad University is the factory where Wahabism is produced and serviced in Saudi Arabia. A large number of the Saudi clerics are educated and trained here. Nearly twenty thousand students study the core teachings of Abdul Wahhab, the founder of the Saudi Salafi movement, which is sometimes derogatorily and often popularly referred to as Wahabism.
In my previous in visits in1992, 1997 and 2000, I had found the Saudis to be proud of what they had become. They had covered a distance of nearly seven centuries on the back of oil in less than thirty years. They were arrogant, confident and sure of themselves and their place in the Muslim world and on the global stage.
But today they are confused, unsure, hesitant, apologetic and willing to accommodate. Some are belligerent even bellicose. But most people that I encountered, students, political elite, scholars, businessmen, professionals and cab drivers, are perplexed by terrorism within Saudi Arabia and by Saudis.
For a society, which was so remarkably free from a culture of self-criticism, I found the Saudi Arabia of today, more willing to listen; and that is the best news I have.
The conference itself revealed the extent and depth of rethinking taking place within Saudi Arabia. I was extremely critical of Wahabism as well as Saudi policies in closed-door sessions and found the Saudi scholars and the various ministers who were in attendance, open and willing to listen, sometimes they were in agreement, sometimes they were baffled, never offended. Some even encouraged me to speak more.
There were of course the usual number of sycophants and apologists, but even they seemed apprehensive and willing to question their own beliefs. Several American and British scholars criticized the lack of critical thinking and openness in Saudi education and we were all pleasantly surprised when they responded by asking for help in introducing critical thinking in their pedagogy.
I ran into a member of the Majlis-e-Shura (the Saudi pretense for a parliament) at a TV studio where I recorded a one-hour interview on Islamic democracy, and he berated me for not being more critical than I was. I listened to him lambast the university and Wahhabi clerics for being the source of the problem behind terrorism in Saudi Arabia. "All they teach," he said, "is to hate those who are different." "We are a country that is economically in the twentieth century and intellectually in the fourteenth century." I advised him to speak to his country and King as he spoke to me, as often as possible and as loudly as possible.
The House of Saud has long relied on the Wahhabi movement for domestic control and legitimacy and on the US for international security. But after September 11, these two allies of Saudi Arabia are being perceived as antagonistic. The House of Saud could not have both as allies anymore.
It is now becoming apparent that the House of Saud has chosen America over Wahabism.It is determined to maintain its relations with the US and is actively seeking to reform Wahabism and reconstitute the domestic basis of its rule.
The Saudi society is composed of two types of elite; the conservative and religious elite and the liberal political and economic elite. For decades the latter had focused on retaining political power and milking the oil cow. In exchange for freedom to become rich, the ruling elite allowed the religious elite the freedom to preach. Without a cultural of internal criticism, without an engaging alternate elite, without the emergence of self-critical and reflective voices within the religious establishment, the specter of Wahabism has grown and now is out of the hands of those who nurtured it.
Wahhabi ideas are now so deeply embedded that neither the ruling elite, who had abdicated their normative responsibilities until now, and the religious elite who are afraid of what they have created, can rein it in. Any attempts at sudden reforms may upset the delicate balance within the society and empower those who have decided to use terrorism to replace both types of elite.
Saudi Arabia needs to push both social and political reforms without undermining domestic and regional stability. It must fast track its social reform and maintain a steady progress towards political reform. The promise of municipal elections must be kept and the momentum towards more representative and accountable governance must be sustained.
It is time that Saudi Arabia stopped looking backwards for guidance and started looking forwards. Those who drive by looking in the rearview mirror only are destined to crash.
Terrorism by extreme Wahhabis, for whom the clerics and the royal family are not sufficiently Islamic, is once again forging a new social contract between the religious and the ruling elite. This time the House of Saud and the House of Abdul Wahhab will not come together to establish Wahhabism, but to dismantle Wahhabism and replace it with a self-critical, open, more moderate, and softer form of Salafi traditions.
But before that can happen the moderates within the religious establishment must prevail over the extremists and be prepared to make significant compromises – maybe even deviations – in the Wahhabi doctrine and in Wahhabi institutions. The extremists will then be isolated and can be fought both in the realm of doctrine as well as in the battlefield.
The staging of the terrorism conference at the Imam Muhammad University and the seriousness of the dialogue, its high degree of openness and criticism, have definitely raised expectations. Let us hope that Saudi Arabia can make the transition without trauma.
Dr. Khan is also associated with the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy and the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding.
He is the author of American Muslims: Bridging Faith and Freedom (Amana, 2002), Jihad for Jerusalem: Identity and Strategy in International Relations (Praeger, 2004). His forthcoming book is titled Beyond Jihad and Crusade: Rethinking US Policy in the Muslim World (Brookings Institution, 2004).
Dr. Khan frequently comments on BBC, CNN, FOX and VOA TV, NPR and other radio networks. His political commentaries appear regularly in newspapers in over 20 countries. He has also lectured in North America, East Asia, Middle East and Europe.
Dr. Khan's column has appeared in The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, Newsweek (Arabic), New York Post, Newsday, Arizona Tribune, Duluth News Tribune, The Daily Telegraph (London), The Sun (UK), Jakarta Post, Jordan Times, Manila Times, Outlook India, Palestine Times, Calgary Herald, The Daily Telegram (MI), San Francisco Chronicle, Detroit Free Press, Detroit News, Al Ahram (Egypt), Dawn (Pakistan), Daily Times (Pakistan), Hindustan Times (India), Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, Muslim Democrat, The Christian Century, Islamic Horizons, The Message, The Globalist.com, Arab News (Saudi Arabia) Progressive.org,
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[ALOCHONA] Re: [KHABOR] Re: Bangladesh hangs on the barbed wire
Friends
Zoglul Husain <zoglul@hotmail.co.uk> writes:
This is absolutely heart rending. No less heart wrenching are the
deaths of about a thousand other poor and hapless villagers in similar
circumstances over the last ten years. The important thing to realise
is that: a country, which perpetrates such brutal atrocities to
Bangladeshis with such trigger happiness, can never be a friend of
Bangladesh, until and unless it changes its policies towards
Bangladesh.
It is therefore imperative upon us to hold meetings and demos about
these, in order to give message to the whole country to unite the
people in our struggle to protect our independence and sovereignty
against the vicious conspiracies of the Indian hegemonists and their
lackeys in Bangladesh.
On 1/11/11, Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com> wrote:
> *Bangladesh hangs on the barbed wire *
>
>
> http://www.sonarbangladesh.com/leadpics/20110111050115felani2.jpg
>
> *http://www.sonarbangladesh.com/article.php?ID=4514*<http://www.sonarbangladesh.com/articles/AlfazAnam>
>
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[ALOCHONA] Low and disorder !
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[ALOCHONA] Bangladesh-India relaions
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RE: [ALOCHONA] WIKILEAKS EXPOSÉ: Hasina's 'pro-India slant'
jalal,
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
From: jam1364@hotmail.com
Date: Tue, 11 Jan 2011 12:21:10 +0000
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] WIKILEAKS EXPOSÉ: Hasina's 'pro-India slant'
Dear Isha, primary production of news and dissemination is the task of journalist. suggest you do something with substance and help people with your potential. There are lots of geo political commentary but people need more than that.
PS. i walked miles to see people and help people. try that and you might like it more.
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