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Friday, July 1, 2011

[ALOCHONA] Cultural Fabric



Cultural Fabric

By Azadeh Moaveni Monday, July 11, 2011



For Muslim immigrants in the U.S., the days following 9/11 were a harrowing encounter with American hate. iPod-bearing, second-generation techies faced insults in Silicon Valley parking lots; schoolgirls in headscarves were attacked; mosques across the country were vandalized. For many months, it seemed unclear whether America's Muslims — from the cocktail-swilling secular to the mosque-attending pious — would ever live again without apprehension.

That period, Harvard academic Leila Ahmed argues in a new book, turns out to have been a very good thing. Its long-term effect has been to remake American Islam, making the country's most conservative Muslims tolerant of criticism and open to a young generation's more liberal demands. The result, Ahmed writes in A Quiet Revolution, is no less than a new moment "in the history of Islam as well as of America." (See pictures of Muslim life in America.)

She arrives at this conclusion by way of tracing the history of the veil. The bareheaded women of Ahmed's Cairo girlhood considered veiling an outmoded habit of a repressive past, but by the early 1990s many Muslim women around the world were again covering up, and Ahmed sets out to understand why.

The story behind the veil's resurgence is not straightforward: everything plays a role, from British colonialism and the rise of Islamism to Egypt's sclerotic economy, Arab enmity with Israel and Saudi money. What Ahmed wants us to understand is that the veil has gone through the wash cycle of history and that its meaning today is both fresh and local. It is no longer a bandanna version of the all-enveloping burqa, signaling a woman's brainwashed submissiveness. Today, Ahmed argues, the veil often reflects attitudes that have little to do with piety. Many women in post-9/11 America, she notes, began wearing it to protest discrimination against Muslims. (See pictures of Islam's revolution.)

The portrait of post-9/11 Muslim America that Ahmed offers up bolsters her case for this new era's promise. There are the campaigns to move the women's sections of mosques out of basements, the feminist translation of the Koran and the accounts of conventions where Muslim authorities offer critics a platform to lambast their faith. Even if Muslim elders are merely putting up a facade of liberality to ward off political attack, Ahmed concludes, the climate is shaping a new generation of Muslims who demand more progressive ways.

Many, of course, will be skeptical when it comes to Ahmed's rosy assertion that the veil's resurgence dovetails with a feminist, activist spirit. Some will question whether it even makes sense to discuss the veil so sweepingly when the climates in which women wear it — from Connecticut to Karachi — vary so dramatically. And feminists will rebuke Ahmed for trying to honey-coat a covering that to them will always symbolize Islam's patriarchy. (Watch a video on a play about post-9/11 life for Muslims.)

Of course, the veil has a remarkable ability to provoke impassioned arguments on many issues besides gender politics, from the success or failure of multiculturalism to secularism in education. Ahmed's book will doubtlessly continue the debate. But laced into her historical account of the veil are gems of insight. Saudi Arabia's shadow looms long across the book, and the kingdom emerges as the victor in the veil's resurgence, its longtime project to export Wahhabi Islam's stricter ways a global success. Most striking of all, we learn that conservative Muslims, and veiled Muslims, make up a decided minority in America. The rest are living discreet lives — either secular or private in their practice of Islam — a silent majority receiving no one's attention.

See "Islamophobia: Does America Have a Muslim Problem?"

See pictures of Muslim modernity.

http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,2080665,00.html


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[ALOCHONA] Lessons from India’s Partition

Lessons from India's Partition

By Nasim Yousaf

The partition of India led to slaughter, rape, and countless
atrocities in the region; it further resulted in the Kashmir issue and
bitter rivalry between a nuclear Pakistan and India. The tragic
episode provides a lesson for the world to learn from.

In Pakistan and India, the history of the freedom movement has been
written under the influence of the All-India Muslim League (AIML) and
Indian National Congress (INC) parties respectively, to which the
British transferred power in 1947. According to the traditional
narrative propagated by these two parties, partition was inevitable
and the two parties were responsible for bringing freedom to British
India and the creation of Pakistan and India as separate states. But
historical documents strongly suggest that the leaders of both parties
did not have the power to demolish British rule. In fact, the reality
is that the leaders of the AIML and the INC were playing into the
hands of the British rulers. Ultimately, partition has only produced
harsh consequences and unending hostility within the region.

In order to understand why partition was ill-advised from the outset,
one must first understand why Muslim League and Congress leaders, who
were responsible for partition, ultimately contributed to British
interests. During the years leading up to partition, the British were
seeking to maintain their rule over India, and thus pursued a policy
of Divide and Rule. In other words, they sought to perpetuate
divisions amongst the Muslims and Hindus, so that the Muslims and
Hindus would not be able to rise up against British rule. There are
countless examples of the British pursuit of this policy. Rather than
forming a united front to undermine the British, Muslim League and
Congress leaders instead added fuel to the fire by legitimizing and
inflating the political differences between the Muslims and Hindus,
ultimately blowing the conflict out of proportion. It is not difficult
to see why this policy was in the interests of the Muslim and Hindu
leaders. At the time, the British were very powerful and had the
ability to sideline any leader who did not fall in line with their
agenda. Thus, it was incumbent upon Muslim League and Congress leaders
to perpetuate the Muslim-Hindu conflict, or risk losing their own
political careers.

Throughout his political endeavors, freedom fighter Allama Mashriqi
repeatedly sought to expose the vested interests of the prevailing
Indian leadership. Mashriqi could foresee that the Muslim and Hindu
leaders' divisive words and actions were setting the stage for the
partition of the nation. He recognized that partition would be
devastating to the nation and would bring about everlasting hostility
in the region. In a monumental press statement in early 1947, he
categorically warned, "I see massacre of at least one million people."
He also sent a telegram to Lord Mountbatten (Viceroy of India)
"foreshadowing murder and ruin of at least ten million Indians…"
Envisioning the serious repercussions of partition, Mashriqi worked
tirelessly to bring about the liberation of a united India. This
struggle almost cost him his life, and he was stabbed and arrested in
Delhi, where the AIML was holding a meeting at the Imperial Hotel (on
June 09, 1947) to accept a truncated Pakistan.

With the partition of India, Mashriqi's dire warning came to fruition.
Partition brought unthinkable tragedy, as at least one million
Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs were brutally killed and countless young
Muslim and non-Muslim females were raped or abducted. Parents,
children, and spouses witnessed the slaughter of loved ones and were
forcefully separated. There are countless heartbreaking stories such
as these that speak to the atrocities that befell innocent people as a
result of the country's division; these Muslim and non-Muslim
civilians were the unfortunate victims of the politics of the AIML and
Congress (their deaths were not a necessary sacrifice for
independence, as has been suggested by some writers and speakers).
Beyond the direct human toll, partition also produced a host of other
far-reaching consequences in the region, including the Kashmir
conflict, four wars, countless border clashes, and the spread of
terrorism in the region. Perhaps most importantly, a nation comprised
of communities that had co-existed for centuries has now been
transformed into two nuclear-armed hostile neighbors. The regional and
global instability caused by partition has had immeasurable
consequences, and the people of the two nations continue to suffer
from these consequences even today.

It is clear then that the partition of India was one of the biggest
blunders of the 20th century. Yet instead of condemning the policies
of the political parties that actually created this partition,
historians and writers have presented partition as an inevitable
occurrence. They project AIML and Congress leaders as heroes, while
ignoring the fact that their actions resulted in tremendous human
tragedy and everlasting hostility within the region. Furthermore,
writers neglect to mention that partition would not have occurred, had
it not been in the interest of the ruling power at the time. While
bolstering the pro-partition perspective of those in power, mainstream
writers have simultaneously distorted the views of Mashriqi (and
others who strongly favored a united India). The print and electronic
media (including television) further contribute to this distortion, as
they do not publish or allow discussion of facts that are contrary to
the traditional narrative of partition. In both Pakistan and India,
they promote the leaders of the AIML and Congress respectively. A lack
of independent researchers and scholars in these countries has also
contributed to the problem. It is no surprise then, that the true
history of the nation is unknown to people of both countries. In fact,
the history of both countries, as currently written, is biased and
does not reflect reality.

Despite the false narrative that has been portrayed in books and the
media, it is not too late to change the status quo. The people of
Pakistan and India must learn from the errors of the past and stop
endorsing partition, as it only leads to continuing hostility between
the two nations; the concocted and exaggerated stories regarding the
freedom movement must come to an end. History can still be restored
through independent writing and thought; educational institutions must
also be reformed to encourage new ideas and research. Ultimately, the
people of Pakistan and India must strive not only for better
relations, but also to unite the two countries. The reunion of over a
billion people in Pakistan and India would be an unprecedented action.
By returning to Allama Mashriqi's selfless ideology and vision of a
united India, we could undo the devastating effects of partition. The
Kashmir issue would be resolved, the potential for nuclear war between
the two neighboring countries would disappear, and the threat of
terrorism could be eradicated jointly. Unification would thus finally
bring much-needed political, social, and economic stability to the
South Asian region, and have far-reaching benefits for the world at
large.
-------------
Nasim Yousaf is a scholar and historian who has presented papers at
U.S. conferences and written many articles and books. He has also
contributed articles to the "Harvard Asia Quarterly" and the "World
History Encyclopedia (USA)." His forthcoming book, "Mahatma Gandhi &
My Grandfather, Allama Mashriqi," discusses the role of Mashriqi and
Gandhi in the freedom movement, their political differences, and the
true driving force behind the liberation of British India in 1947.

Copyright © 2011 Nasim Yousaf
E mail : infomashriqi@yahoo.com

http://newsfrombangladesh.net/view.php?hidRecord=358766


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[ALOCHONA] Manmohan Singh's comment on Bangladesh raises eyebrows

Manmohan Singh's comment on Bangladesh raises eyebrows

He stated in an interaction with editors that 25% of that country's
population was 'anti-Indian'

The branding of a quarter of Bangladesh's population as "anti-Indian"
by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has raised diplomatic eyebrows here.

Former diplomats found it intriguing that during his interaction with
editors here on Wednesday, Dr. Singh, who is usually very careful with
his words, chose to conclude his generally positive remarks on
Bangladesh by observing that "we must reckon that at least 25 per cent
of the population of Bangladesh swears by the Jamiat-ul-Islami (sic)
and they are very anti-Indian and they are in the clutches, many times
of the ISI."

They also took umbrage at his observations that followed — "the
political landscape in Bangladesh can change anytime. We do not know
what these terrorist elements, which have a hold on the
Jamiat-e-Islami (sic) elements in Bangladesh, can be up to."

"I do not agree that 25 per cent population of Bangladesh supports the
Jamiat-e-Islami. If you look at the votes they had polled in the last
elections, it does not reflect so, although they contested elections
along with the right-wing Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) of Begum
Khaleda Zia," said a close observer of politics in Bangladesh.

Not proper: Veena Sikri
India's former High Commissioner in Dhaka Veena Sikri was more
forthright. "I don't think it is proper to describe people of another
country in this manner," she said while contextualising the BNP's
stand. "The BNP says the interests of Bangladesh are not served by
India. Sheikh Hasina on the other hand seeks to promote friendship
because she feels friendship with India is in Bangladesh's interest."

On Dr. Singh's assertion that a quarter of the people of Bangladesh
swore by the Jamiat, Ms. Sikri wondered where the figure had come
from.

"One third of the votes go to the BNP and an equal number to the Awami
League. Of the remaining 33 per cent, most of it is the floating vote
that looks at issues independently. I don't think you can say that 25
per cent are anti-Indian. Does it mean most of BNP's voters feel that
way? One can't categorise in this manner just as one can't do the same
with the people of Pakistan. Regimes and institutions can be
characterised like this, not the people."

The influence of the ISI, which has been trying to regain its hold
since the early days of an independent Bangladesh, was strong under
earlier regimes. But institutions such as the Bangladesh Army or the
Directorate General of Forces Intelligence, unlike the Pakistani ones,
are very sensitive to public opinion.

'They want a better life'
"When during the days of the army-led Caretaker Government, they saw
public opinion in favour of elections; they did a good job with them.
Certainly there is a big effort by the ISI to get back their
pre-partition influence. But the question is what do the people of
Bangladesh want? They desire a better life and many of them see that
happening by nurturing good ties with India," said the veteran
diplomat.

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article2148355.ece


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