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Friday, November 5, 2010

[ALOCHONA] My memories of Bangladesh




Gen. J.F.R. Jacob
My first contact with the people of what was to become the state of Bangladesh was in 1943 during World War II. My battery was moving by road through Bihar, undivided Bengal into Arakan in the then Burma. I was appalled by the starvation I saw. It was pathetic. We tried to help by cutting our soldiers' rations in half and distributing it to the people en route. It was a matter of great anguish to me to see the disappointment in the starving people around our field kitchen outside Dhaka when the food for each man, two chappaties and dal/bhaji, ran out. I decided to get more food to distribute.

I remember that there was an army supply depot near the ferry site on the outskirts of Dhaka. I approached the officer in charge of the depot to take one week's rations for my men. I did not tell him that I intended to distribute it to the starving people in the area. He declined. A heated argument took place. I insisted. He then produced vouchers in triplicate and asked me to sign them. We were proceeding into an operational zone, and there was no peacetime accounting and my signing of vouchers would not be questioned.

We distributed the rations for some 200 soldiers at campsites outside Chittagong and Cox's Bazaar to people in need, and proceeded to Arakan. We heard nothing of our unauthorised drawing of one week's rations for 200 men which we distributed to starving people.

There was to be a long gap before I was to get involved again with the people of the future nation of Bangladesh. I arrived at Fort William in May 1969. Events were moving fast in East Pakistan. Sheik Mujib was insisting on the six-point programme that he had spelt out in Lahore in February 1966.

There was a disastrous cyclone on November 16, 1970. The government of East Pakistan failed to take effective relief measures. There was enormous suffering but hardly any remedial measures. It was a case of apathy and indifference towards the suffering of the people by the East Pakistan government. The people in West Bengal were appalled by the callousness of the East Pakistan government.

The elections in December 1970 gave Sheikh Mujib a thumping majority, winning 160 seats in the National Assembly and taking all but two seats in the East. Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party won 81 out of 138 seats in the West. The people and the government of West Pakistan did not want to see Sheik Mujib as prime minister. Yahya Khan announced that the national assembly was to meet in March. This was later postponed. There were hartals and resistance across East Pakistan.

Lt. Gen. Sahebzada Yakub Khan was appointed as governor of East Pakistan. Yakub was mild and considerate to the people. This was not liked by Rawalpindi. Yakub was replaced by the "butcher" Tikka Khan after a month. Incidentally, in August 1947, Major Tikka Khan was a student in the gunnery staff course that I was taking in Deolali. He, with the other Pakistanis on the course, went back to Pakistan. I remember little of Maj. Tikka Khan. I found him then to be unimpressive.

Meanwhile, a concerned Indian government suspended overflights over India. On March 23, Pakistan day, Bangladesh flags were flown all over East Pakistan, and independence was proclaimed.

On the evening of March 25, Yahya Khan flew back to West Pakistan via Colombo. Tikka had issued orders for the crackdown to commence at 0100 hours on March 26. It was called "Operation Searchlight."

Sheikh Mujib made an announcement proclaiming the independence of Bangladesh and exhorted the people to fight until the last Pakistani soldier was driven out. Mujib was arrested at 0100 hours on March 26 at his residence, and flown to Karachi some three days later. Most of the other Bangladeshi leaders escaped and reached India.

I was able to listen with difficulty to the orders being given by tank commanders at Dhaka University -- "traverse left, open window, fire" and so on. Resistance was brutally squashed.

The refugees started to pour in. It was a pathetic sight. They came carrying whatever little possessions they had.

The East Bengal Battalions moved into India. I went to the border to help extricate them when they were trying to enter India. At Benapole, I had deployed an infantry battalion to cover their movement into India. Tajuddin was to hold a meeting with Griffiths, a British member of parliament, at the customs post inside East Pakistan. Pakistani guns were shelling the area.

I urged Tajuddin to leave the customs post, where a Bangladesh flag was flying. We got Tajuddin to safety after the meeting. Pakistani troops were approaching. I ordered the battalion to fire at the Pakistanis who were trying to take down the Bangladesh flag. We did not allow the Pakistanis to remove the flag, which flew throughout until the surrender.

By the end of March, a number of Bangladesh leaders arrived. Prominent among them were Tajuddin Ahmed, Nazrul Islam, Qamruzzaman, Mansur Ali, Col. Osmani and Wing Commander Khondkar. A government in exile was formed. We alloted them a bungalow in 8, Theatre Road. They started to function immediately.

I set up the Mukti Bahini. Initially, 8 camps were organised. Sector commanders were appointed. They directed their fighters with great competence. The Mukti Bahini and the East Bengal battalions played a major and decisive role in the freedom struggle. They attacked the Pakistanis everywhere, and severely damaged their infrastructure. They created an environment that completely demoralised the Pakistan army. Due credit must go to them for their enormous contribution towards the defeat of the Pakistan army and the creation of Bangladesh.

A lightning campaign was launched from December 4. On December 14, Niazi asked for a ceasefire under the UN, and handing over of the government to the UN. This was rejected on December 15 by Bhutto, who vowed to fight on. I drafted the instrument of surrender and, on December 16 at Dhaka, compelled Niazi to accept an unconditional public surrender in front of the people of Dhaka. I made him face the people whom he had treated so badly.

The atrocities committed by the Pakistan army are well documented in Bangladesh. In the space of four hours, a ceasefire was converted into an unconditional public surrender, the only one in history. The Hamoodur Rehman Commission asked Niazi: "General, you had 26,000 troops in Dhaka and the Indians a few thousand outside, and you could have fought on for at least two more weeks till the UN session. Had you fought on even for one more day the Indians would have had to go back. Why did you accept a shameful unconditional public surrender"? Niazi replied that he was compelled to do so by Gen. Jacob, who blackmailed him into surrendering. The state of Bangladesh was born.

Regarding what the future has in store for Bangladesh, I see a vibrant people led by a pragmatic leader Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, and a rapidly expanding economy. Bangladesh has emerged as a powerful nation, and has become an increasingly important regional power. Bangladesh is now the world's 48 th economic power, and is rising fast to overtake others.

The people of Bangladesh are courageous, hard working and industrious. The economy, earlier based on its farming expertise, particularly of rice and jute, is diversifying into industries and infrastructure. Bangladesh has emerged as a major exporter of textiles and knitwear, outperforming her neighbour India. Jute and leather industries are flourishing.

There are inadequate reserves of oil and gas. However, there are ample reserves of coal. Coal could produce the power required for industries and homes. New coal-based power stations are planned. Regarding the infrastructure, Bangladesh is taking positive steps to accelerate work on roads, bridges, ports, and railways. Roads are being planned to link up with North Bengal, Meghlaya, Tripura and Myanmar along the old Arakan road.

Bangladesh is expanding her maritime resources and projecting her presence aggressively into the Indian Ocean. Bangladesh has a well-trained army, which has made substantial contributions to UN peace keeping.

Finally, I see Bangladesh, under the pragmatic leadership of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, emerging as a regional superpower.

General J.F.R. Jacob was Deputy Commander, Eastern Command, Indian Armed Forces, and former Governor, Punjab and Goa, India.

http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=161397



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[ALOCHONA] PM on ex-PM



PM on ex-PM
 
 


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[ALOCHONA] Islami Andolon meeting



Islami Andolon meeting
 
 
 


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[ALOCHONA] Dependable Police




A mob beat five suspected robbers to death and injured another at Habibnagar of Kadamtoli in the capital early yesterday.They also recovered 11 knives and eight pieces of equipment intended for breaking into houses.

Two of the dead were identified as Firoz, 28, and Ameer, 30. The rest could not be identified. Suspect Nazrul Islam was undergoing treatment at Dhaka Medical College Hospital and was stated to be in critical condition. Police also arrested another robber of the gang Md Mahfuz, 25.Among the five dead, two died on the spot while three others died at Dhaka Medical College Hospital.

Locals and community leaders of the area said following recent escalation of robbery incidents they introduced neighbourhood watch at night in the area. A team of the neighbourhood watch saw 25-30 men together at dead of night and they were behaving suspiciously. Officer-in-Charge of Kadamtoli Police Station Kazi Ayubur Rahman said the team approached the gang around 3:30am and an altercation ensued over the gang's intentions.

Mamunur Rashid, joint secretary of Habibnagar Samaj Kalyan Sangsad, told The Daily Star, "We were patrolling the area to resist robbers at night in two groups. Our group was of six people. When we asked them they identified themselves as labourers but we did not believe them. Later one of them brandished a sharp weapon. "We screamed seeing the weapon. Later hundreds of people of the area came out of their homes and chased them."

The mob of around 400 people captured seven of the gang and gave six of them a good beating. The others managed to flee. A few locals were injured when the suspects used iron rods in their desperate attempt get away.Mansur Ali Farazi, general secretary of Habibnagar Panchayet Committee, told The Daily Star that they caught robber Mahfuz who was hiding in a lake. He is now in police custody. Mahfuz told them that four robbers jumped into the lake and two others were caught while one is still at large.

Locals had cordoned off the lake until yesterday noon to search for more robbers.Ismail Begh Pintu, general secretary of Habibnagar Samaj Kalyan Sangsad, told The Daily Star that five robbery incidents took place in the area in just one month and that they had informed police about their neighbourhood watch.

Arrested Mahfuz told The Daily Star that he was going without food onboard a launch heading to Dhaka from Barisal. He claimed that the gang of around 29 men gave him food and asked him if he would work with them as a labourer. He said the gang held a meeting on the deck around midnight. He said he went to Habibnagar from Sadarghat launch terminal on a bus.

Gazi Mozammel Hoque, deputy commissioner of Dhaka Metropolitan Police, said the area's major problem is robbery. "We will increase patrolling there. The locals of the area are also very active and the community policing will be strengthened," he said.

Police filed three cases in this connection; one under Arms Act.The other two were attempted robbery and murder. There were no accused mentioned in the murder case. OC Ayubur said they took the 11 sharp weapons and the equipment into their custody.

http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=161462
 
 


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[ALOCHONA] BCL men attack police after stalker detained



 
A sub-inspector was injured when a police patrol came under attack allegedly from activists of Chhatra League while detaining a youth on charge of stalking in Baizid area of the city on Wednesday night.
   The injured police officer, Zahir Hossain, of Baizid police station, was admitted to Chittagong Medical College Hospital.
   The police and local sources said a group of stalkers used to harass female garment workers on their way home from work near a graveyard at Kunjachhaya area every night.
   Abdus Sabur, officer-in-charge of Baizid police station, said on information a police patrol went to the area at around 10:30pm and found three youths standing there and caught one of them as the rest two fled the spot.
   As the police were taking the youth, identified as Babul, to the police station for interrogation, they received a phone call from BCL city unit office secretary Arshadul Haque Bachchu with a request to release him immediately, the OC said.
   'As I refused to release the youth, 40 to 50 youths intercepted the patrol and started hurling stones at the police,' he said adding that a
   piece of stone struck the head of Zahir during the incident leaving him critically injured.
   The youths dispersed after police reinforcements arrived at the spot, he said.
   A case was filed accusing 18 identified persons, including BCL activists Bachchu, Azad, Shahin, Mamun and Salim, and 40 unidentified people with Baizid police station in this connection.
   The BCL city unit president, MR Azim, however, told New Age that it was not actually an incident of stalking. He said that the police patrol had locked in an altercation with the local youths over a 'trifling matter'.
   Some Chhatra League leaders and activists went there to resolve the matter, he said.
 


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[ALOCHONA] The enigma of Myanmar



The enigma of Myanmar

As Myanmar prepares for its first general elections in 20 years, barring many leading political leaders and representatives from participating, Saad Hammadi highlights the concerns for Bangladesh and delves into the history of the troubled nation


BUDDHIKA WEERASINGHE/DrikNEWS

With the national elections of Myanmar scheduled to be held in two days, international quarters and concerned countries such as Bangladesh,

   look forward to the impact the elections will have on the political landscape of the country, as well as its relationship with the rest of the world.

   Neighbours Myanmar and Bangladesh naturally have many issues in common, and as diplomats and experts on international relations believe, it is at the interest of the two countries that they maintain a friendly relationship. From the issue of maritime boundary, the construction of bridges and highways, facilitating export and import, to the longstanding issue of Rohingyas, the two countries have some major bilateral issues. Myanmar, being the only other nation to share a direct boundary with Bangladesh, draws all the more attention to its state of affairs. The two countries share a 180-km common border.

   For the last five decades since 1962, Myanmar has been ruled by the military junta, and is currently led by Senior General Than Shwe. Ahead of the first general elections, 20 years since its last, the country has gotten itself a new name, a new flag and a new anthem. The second largest country by geographical area in South East Asia, the country known as Burma was ruled by the British until 1948. In 1989, Burma was renamed to the Union of Myanmar for English transliteration. The military junta has once again renamed the country to the Republic of the Union of Myanmar on October 21. However, for the people of the country, what remains of concern is, not the ornamental changes but transparency in the elections and a democratic representation.

   Almost all the international quarters, including the United Nations and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have regularly criticised the military junta – that has held power for over five decades – for suppressing democracy in the country. The West and its media, on numerous occasions, have been critical of the Myanmar junta, for committing various human rights abuses and atrocities that can at times constitute war crimes.

   At present, as preparations are underway for an electoral representation, doubts are cast over the nature in which the election is premised. 'The election will be a farce and it will only legitimise the role of the military,' says Muhammad Shahiduzzaman, professor of international relations with the University of Dhaka.

   Myanmar's top political leader and a democratic icon, Aung San Suu Kyi, who was barred from assuming the government in 1990 despite winning the election, remains under house arrest and is barred from participating in the upcoming election. Under the circumstances, although the national election is known to be an outcome of international pressure, the way in which the election is going to be carried out, remains a grave concern. The ruling junta has barred foreign election observers and international media from entering the country prior to the elections. The restrictions imposed by the military-ruled government give way to further speculation on how fair the election will fare. Besides, experts on diplomatic and international relations who have closely observed the country, fear that the election will vote to power a party that will continue to serve as a vanguard of the military junta.

   The UN chief, Ban Ki-moon warned Myanmar that keeping thousands of political prisoners locked up could destroy the credibility of the election. The last such general election in 1990, was won by Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) with 59 per cent of the votes, following which, the military junta forcibly retained helm and put her under house arrest.

   Suu Kyi, who has spent 15 of the past 21 years under house arrest, is scheduled to be released on November 13. However, Imtiaz Ahmed, professor of International Relations with the University of Dhaka is sceptical about whether she will be released or instead will be implicated under a new charge. Suu Kyi is Than Shwe's greatest rival, whom he finds to be too opinionated and outspoken as a woman, according to Time magazine. In August 2009, Suu Kyi's house arrest was extended by another 18 months after an uninvited man swam inside her lakeside house.

   Than Shwe and his regime has been ruling the country for the last 20 years, suppressing the rights of the people. According to Andrew Marshall, a British journalist, the ethnic minorities like Wa, Rakhine and Karens have built militias of their own to fight the government. It casts further shadow over the unity and integrity that can be achieved in such an ethnically divided country.

   Concerns for Banglades

   As stated in article 25 of Bangladesh's constitution, the country's external relations are based on the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of any country. However, a democratic representation in Myanmar is welcomed by most academics and former diplomats, interviewed during this piece. Bangladesh continues to have bilateral relations with Myanmar even during the on-going regime of the military junta but an electoral representation is anticipated to improve the relationship. 'Our first concern is to try and resolve the issues we have with Myanmar, as amicably as possible,' says Abul Hasan Chowdhury, former state minister for foreign affairs.

   Two major reasons why bilateral relations between Myanmar and Bangladesh have not been strong enough are attributed to a negligent Bangladeshi foreign policy towards Myanmar and Myanmar's introversion. Otherwise, there is potential for jointly working in the sectors of energy, mineral resources, garments, and in the field of education, says Imtiaz.

   'If you look at the current picture of the state of Rohingyas, it is highly complicated,' he says. The Bangladesh government has refused to document the Rohingya population, because doing so brings them under the legality of the state to protect them. 'As our foreign minister says, there are some three lakh undocumented refugees.'

   lines drawn by India and Myanmar. 'Following their claims, we became sea locked,' says Shahiduzzaman.

   Meanwhile, India and Myanmar have reached a strategic 'informal understanding' to cooperate with each other on maritime boundary issues. Of late, Myanmar and India, which had separately agreed earlier in principle for an amicable settlement through bilateral negotiations, of the disputes, have stopped joining periodic expert-level talks on maritime boundary issues with Bangladesh.

   'We ardently hope that the issue of maritime boundary will be resolved on the internationally accepted norm of equity,' says Hasan. 'Mind you, the ultimate solution will have to be found in line with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS),' says Shamsher Mobin Chowdhury, former foreign secretary and presently foreign affairs adviser to former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia.

   Topping all the other concerns is the issue of the Rohingyas. The Rohingyas, a Muslim minority, constitutes 76 per cent of the population of the Northern Rakhine state of Myanmar and is ethnically, linguistically and religiously distinct from the majority Buddhist Rakhine. Conflicts between the two groups resulted in periodic violence, following which, the Myanmar military in 1978 forced hundreds of thousands of Rohingyas to flee to Bangladesh. Although there have been repatriation of a section of the population, the issue has remained unresolved. Experts on Myanmar and the Rohingya issue say that most of the Rohingyas deported to Myanmar have returned to Bangladesh, owing to the inhuman conditions they face there.

   'We hope there will be no situation in Myanmar which forces refugees to leave Myanmar and cross into our country,' says Mobin.

   Talking from past experiences, Imtiaz is hopeful that the election will give some Rohingyas recognition and identity. 'There would be some pressure on candidates that they get the votes. If the Rohingyas get a voter identity card, that would give them some evidence of citizenship,' he says.

   'In earlier phases, during 1962 or before the military coup, whenever there was an election in Myanmar, some Rohingyas were recognised,' says Imtiaz. Although he is sceptical about any chance of democratic representation, the inclusion of some Rohingyas, like in the past, may still happen, since it is an electoral representation.

   The recent attempts by the military regime to win over Rohingya voters at the expense of the majority Rakhine is a possible flashpoint, media reports reveal. The Myanmar authorities have become especially keen to enlist members of the Muslim community, including the Rohingyas, to vote. Memberships are being offered by both the regime-affiliated National Unity Party (NUP) and the Union Solidarity and Development Association.

   Diplomacy

   Though the problems of maritime boundary demarcation at the Bay of Bengal, Rohingyas, flow of arms and narcotics, continue to persist, experts on foreign affairs believe, Bangladesh should engage with Myanmar in a way whereby it can have a foothold in Myanmar. Even eight to nine years ago, India had serious reservation towards Myanmar, due to its democratic obsession. Myanmar is very close to China and that also attributed to India having a bitter relationship with the former. However, India totally changed its policies and now its investment in Myanmar is almost next to China. 'The economic compulsion,' says Mohsin Ali Khan, former ambassador to Canada, 'has led India to redesign its foreign policy towards Myanmar.'

   According to Shahiduzzaman, Bangladesh's relationship with Myanmar was never friendly but there were no problems in the past. There was no hostility and unofficial trade flourished.

   Bangladesh has prospects of developing ties with Myanmar and upholding its diplomatic relations, which may be initiated through providing scholarships, fellowships and cultural involvement, say experts. The soft diplomacy is the most effective tool to build a strong relationship, says Imtiaz, whereby, a student from Myanmar can not only enjoy education but also seek development in the skills of music, art and crafts.

   During the last visit of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to China, she requested that Bangladesh have a highway between China, Myanmar and Bangladesh. The road link can increase the export import relation. 'Over three billion dollars worth of Chinese goods currently come via China through ship; there is some $300 million worth of goods being exported from Bangladesh,' says Imtiaz.

   Myanmar has a scarcity of human resources with agricultural and technical know-how. In 2009, there were talks that Myanmar would allow rice growers from Bangladesh to use their lands. However, the issue did not reach any conclusion and there has not been any development since.

   'We need to have lobbies inside Myanmar and impress upon them, whereby both the countries can benefit,' says Imtiaz. 'Cultural diplomacy has hundreds of areas. If we had given 10 scholarships each in the last 10 years, then we would have had some influence like the United States and United Kingdom have on us. Our other neighbour India on the other hand has taken that advantage by providing such services to them.'

   'We always feel that economic and social progress will stimulate into having proper democratic governance,' says Mobin. The people of Myanmar should decide what kind of government they want, he concludes.

   However, Bangladesh's economic opportunities will only make sense if there is a democratic setup in Myanmar, which according to Shahiduzzaman is farfetched. 'They have developed economic ties with India at the cost of Bangladesh.'
 


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