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Friday, March 12, 2010

[ALOCHONA] BSF berserk on the border



BSF berserk on the border

Though ties have improved vastly with India, BSF continues killing Bangladeshi nationals on the border

by ANWAR PARVEZ HALIM

BSF has gone berserk on the borders with Bangladesh. The Indian border security force has tortured and shot dead ten Bangladeshis in the first two months of this year along the border. Over the past 10 years it killed 828 Bangladeshis. The significant improvement in relations between India and Bangladesh has not had any effect on BSF at all. On the contrary, they are simply becoming more hostile than ever.

The Prime Ministers of both countries, during recent joint talks, admitted to the agitation along the borders. In the joint communiqué they spoke of stepping up border patrol and or regular meetings between BSF and Bangladesh's BDR. Bangladesh's Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has kept her work. After her Indian visit, BDR has not even thrown a pebble at BSF troops. But India's Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has failed to keep his commitment. BSF have been on a shooting spree and the borders have remained tense.

BSF's border killings are nothing new. According to a survey of human rights organisation Odhikar, in the 10 years from January 1, 2000 till December 31, 2009, a total of 887 Bangladeshis were killed along the border. Of this, 828 were killed by Bangladeshis. The others were killed by miscreants.

Odhikar's report states that other than the 887 that were killed in the 10 years, clashes at the border left 869 Bangladeshis injured, 909 abducted and 14 raped. In this time period, 70 incidents of looting and 229 of push-in took place along with 184 disappearances and 226 arrests.

According to media reports, during the current year from January 1 till March 2, BSF killed 10 Bangladeshi nationals. The people living around the border areas are panic stricken. During routine patrols, BSF personnel are firing at innocent Bangladeshi farmers tending to their crops. They are entering Bangladesh territory and dragging away cows, goats and even people. BSF is even aiding and abetting miscreants to cross over into Bangladesh and carrying out looting and theft.

All this is not restricted to any one particular border. This is continuing along the borders from Satkhira to Chuadanga, Naogaon to Chapainawabganj, Dinajpur to Panchgarh, Lalmonirhat to Kuigram and Sherpur to Sylhet.

Human rights organisations have been protesting about this border violence. Even Kuldip Nayyar, former Member of the Indian Rajya Sabha and former diplomat, has questioned these killings. Upon his return from a visit to Bangladesh, Nayyar wrote an article in the Gulf News, saying, "In recent years, Indian BSF has killed about 400 innocent people. The Bangladeshis have not forgotten this. How can such indiscriminate shooting take place against the citizens of a friendly country?"

The first BSF killing of Bangladeshis this year took place on January 2. Shahjahan Ali, a 30-year-old resident of Patgram upazila in Lalmonirhat, was farming near the Burimari border when BSF of India's Changrabanda camp opened fire and shot him dead. They dragged away his dead body. Then on January 14, Shafiqul Islam (25) of the village Shitalpur in Satkhira, was tortured to death by BSF at the Kaliganj border. They threw his body into the river Ichhamoti. On January 16, Shahidul Islam (35) was shot dead by BSF while he was irrigating his rice fields at the Kazipur-Tetulia border of Gangni upazila in Meherpur. They took away his dead body. On December 31 they abducted a young Bangladeshi man at the Kolaroa border of Satkhira and took him to the Gorerkanda camp in India. His body later appeared in the river Sonai. His identity remains unknown.

Young boy Hasnat of village Charulia in Damuhuda upazila of Chuadanga was tortured to death by BSF on February 3. On February 4 when BSF opened fire on BDR troops while they were on patrol at in Jaintapur, Sylhet, Naik Subedar Mujibur Rahman fell to the ground. BSF crossed over into Bangladesh territory and dragged him away. They returned him later during the next flag meeting. On February 6, Farid (28) of village Sarialjote was killed by BSF at the Tetulia border.

Others killed by BSF were Islam Miah at the Panchgarh border on February 17, 70-year-old Anwar on February 18, cow trader Mukul Ali at Shibganj of Chapainawabganj on February 24 and Qayyum (30) at the Dharmagarh border of Thakurgaon on March 2.

According to the human rights organisation Odhikar, in February alone BSF killed five Bangladeshis and tortured six. Another human rights organisation, Bangladesh Manobadhikar Bastobayan Sangstha, writes in their February report, "Six Bangladeshis were killed by BSF at the border during this period and over 20 were injured."

Security experts of the country blame Bangladesh government's submissive attitude for BSF's one-sided aggression along the border. Odhikar's Secretary Adilur Rahman Khan tells PROBE, "Even while Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was in India holding talks, BSF killed a 28-year-old cowherd Shafiq at the Uksha border of Satkhira district. They opened fire at Bangladeshis along the Azmatpur border of Shibganj upazila in Chapainawabganj. They say that the border problems will be resolved through talks. We have been hearing of such talks since 1972, but the killings and violation of human rights simply escalates."

He says, "The people would have been very happy had Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina strongly raised the issues and problems of the people of Bangladesh. But the people's demands were not raised during the talks. We were dismayed. The matter of BSF killing Bangladeshi nationals wasn't brought up. In fact, BSF and BDR are bracketed together. It was said that both BSF and BDR would have to be cautious and hold regular talks."

Adilur Rahman Khan questions the joint communiqué signed between the two countries. He says, "In whose interests will these regular talks be held, to protect whose security? Naturally I will look to the security of Bangladeshi people first. And of course, as Indians are our brothers and sister, there is the question of their safety too. But at a state level if the people of Bangladesh and India are left without security, that would be inviting a mass movement."

He points to the Armed Forces Special Act of 1958 in northeast India which allows troops to shoot on sight. Manipur's woman leader Sharmila is on a hunger strike, demanding that this Act be abolished. "Some of those in northeast India who have been righting against injustice, took refuge here is fear of their lives, but the Indian forces came and abducted them, took them back. We protest against this. During our Liberation War, our brothers and sisters there gave us refuge that side of the border. The Bangladesh people have the right to help them in upholding their rights too."

 


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[ALOCHONA] The ghosts of 1971



The ghosts of 1971
 
 
The Bangladesh Rifles mutiny will be considered by historians an event of significance next only to the military coup by General Ershad in the '80s. That was preceded by the assassination of General Ziaur Rahman and the killing of General Mansur. The officer casualty toll is higher than what Bangladesh suffered in the 1971 war, in which 51 officers were killed. This time the officers were not merely shot, but in many cases their bodies were disfigured. It brings to mind the atrocities committed by the Islamist collaborators of the Pakistan army in 1971 and the massacre of the Dhaka intellectuals a day prior to the surrender at Dhaka. Nor can one forget the massacre of Awami League leaders in jail following the military coup in 1975. The world witnessed the horror of the entire family of President Mujibur Rahman being slaughtered without mercy, including a young child, Russel.

These are particularly hate-filled and hate-inspired crimes and not spontaneous emotionally charged acts. This burning sense of hatred is at the core of Bangladesh politics. On one side are Bangla nationalists who define their nationhood in terms of the Bengali language and culture and an indigenous Easternised Islam. For them, national, cultural and linguistic identity supercedes loyalty to an Arab-dominated Wahhabi Islam. There is a minority of fanatical Islamists conditioned by Wahhabism for whom the Islamic identity comes first. These are the elements on which Pakistan depended to keep East Pakistan subservient to West Pakistan.

Typical products of this conditioning are General Ershad, Begum Khaleda Zia and all members of Jamaat-e-Islami. Though her husband made the first broadcast proclaiming the independence of Bangladesh, Khaleda Zia spent the war in Pakistani military cantonments in East Pakistan, away from her husband. There is a view that even Ziaur Rahman, emerging as one of the four sector commanders leading the Mukti Bahini, was not a person committed to Bangla nationalism but a smart officer who took advantage of the existing situation. His ambition and his Islamist orientation came to the fore after the assassination of Sheikh Mujib and the reinstatement in important positions of officers who returned from Pakistan after sitting out the Liberation War. There is a belief — widespread among high-ranking Awami League leaders — that General Zia was at least an accessory to Mujibur Rahman's murder, if not an actual conspirator. General Ershad was one of those who stayed on in Pakistan during the entire war and he never professed any loyalty to the ideals of the Awami League.

While the Mukti Bahini of the Awami League fought the Pakistan army with support from India and the international community, a civil war was raging within Bangladesh in which the Islamist collaborators — with the active support of the Pakistan army — carried out a campaign of ethnic cleansing, of a magnitude that resulted in a million dead within Bangladesh and 10 million refugees on Indian soil. Many Pakistanis still argue that this campaign had in fact subdued the Bangladeshi freedom struggle and, but for the Indian intervention, with Soviet support, Pakistan would still be ruling East Pakistan. While all genocides after the mid-'70s have been subjected to UN investigation, the Bangladesh massacre is yet to be investigated and fully accounted for. Even the Cambodian war crimes trial on the Khmer Rouge massacres of the '70s has at last begun in Phnom Penh. The dimensions of the Bangladesh killings are so stupendous and are such distant memories that when I referred to those figures in an article post-2000, a young assistant editor of a national daily cut down my figures to a small fraction on the ground they were highly implausible. I had to refer him to the original documents from the period.

Today the Awami League has been voted back to power with an overwhelming majority. The government has indicated its intention to bring the collaborators of 1971 to trial. This could not be done earlier for two reasons: first, except for one term when the Awami League was in power, for the rest of the period since 1975 the regimes in power in Bangladesh were collaborator-friendly. Second, the present army leadership, commissioned at the earliest about 1971, is free from the taint of collaborationism. The way in which the army conducted the elections also shows that it has no Islamist, Wahhabi bias. Its leadership has come out strongly in support of the present Awami League government after the uprising; its own assessment of the uprising's significance does not differ from the government's. The army understands that the uprising was targeted not only at the Awami League government but also at the army which is today against Wahhabi Islamism and collaborationism. The army clearly demonstrated its commitment by hanging those who carried out the serial terrorist bomb attacks three years ago.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has wisely decided to seek US and UK help in the investigation. That will expose the extremist inspiration for this uprising and the likely external support it received. Her government has indicated its willingness to examine the feasibility of transit rights for India through Bangladesh territory and promised to cooperate in the elimination of terrorist camps in Bangladesh and contain the operations of the ISI in and from Bangladesh territory. It is also logical to expect more meaningful economic cooperation between India and Bangladesh. It should be noted that the interim army regime had under consideration many of these initiatives. Thus, for the Islamists, both the Awami League government and the present army are enemies. That explains why a large number of army officers were targeted with such brutality.

Some elements in Bangladesh with deep Wahhabi Islamist roots going back to the 1971 civil war have since then developed strong links with Al-Qaeda or with the ISI. It will be unrealistic to expect that they will give up their jihad after the failure of this uprising. There is a reasonable probability that with the Awami League government and a professional army in place the Islamists will try to make it into a battlefield for spreading jihadi Islam.

The Obama administration is placing increased emphasis on Indonesia and Southeast Asia in its efforts to connect with gentle Islam. Bangladesh is an important transit point for jihadi operations in Southeast Asia. There is a good case for the US, the European Union, Japan, India, Indonesia and other Southeast Asian countries to support Bangladesh politically, economically, militarily and in terms of intelligence cooperation.

The writer is a senior defence analyst

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/the-ghosts-of-1971/431017/0



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[ALOCHONA] US HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT



US HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT

Focus on unlawful killings, political violence
 
Dhaka, Mar 11 (bdnews24.com)—The US State Department's 2009 Human Rights Report on Bangladesh, released Thursday, raised concerns over unlawful killings by security forces, which continued unabated, and reports of rising political violence.

It also highlighted the government's failure to investigate the deaths in custody of alleged BDR mutineers.

The State Department's latest annual human rights reports identified several general trends across the globe including government efforts to silence dissent.

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton described the annual reports - legally required by Congress - as "an important tool in the development of practical and effective human rights strategy by the United States government".

The reports hit out at current foes China and Iran, citing constraints on Internet communications; new and often "draconian" restrictions on civil society groups; and the persecution of vulnerable groups, such as minorities, women, children and the disabled.

The State Department also said that over the past year many governments had applied "overly broad interpretations of terrorism and emergency powers" as a way of limiting the rights of detainees and other basic human rights.

The reports carried a new concern this year too about growing anti-Muslim discrimination in Europe. It highlighted last year's ban on the construction of minarets in Switzerland as an example.

IMPROVED 'SOMEWHAT'

The Bangladesh report recognised that "the government's human rights record improved somewhat due to the return of a democratically elected government and the repeal of the state of emergency."

The elections in December 2008 and the peaceful transfer of power in January 2009 ended two years of rule by a military-backed caretaker government.

"Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces," the report said.

But despite the return of a democratically elected government there remained cases of "serious abuse", the report said, including custodial deaths, arbitrary arrest and detention, and harassment of journalists.

The reports notes that according to the Bangladesh government's statistics, there was a 3 percent increase in the number of killings by all security personnel. It states that despite public statements by high-ranking politicians that the government would show "zero tolerance" and would fully investigate all extrajudicial killings by security forces, "the government did not take comprehensive measures to investigate these cases."

According to media reports, local and international human rights organizations, and the government, law enforcement officials were responsible for 154 deaths, 129 of which were attributed to crossfire, representing a 3 percent increase from the previous year.

The RAB accounted for 38 crossfire killings; members of the police were responsible for 63; combined security units consisting of the RAB and police were responsible for 25; and the army committed three crossfire killings.

In relation to killings by RAB in particular, the report said although there was a 40% drop in the number compared to the previous year – from 68 to 41 - it notes that the government has not prosecuted any RAB officer.

Using figures provided by human rights organisations, the report states that the use of torture, which it says had decreased in the last year of the interim government, rose again last year. The report states that the RAB, military, and police "frequently employed severe physical and psychological abuse during arrests and interrogations."

POLITICAL VIOLENCE

"With the return of an elected government, reports of politically motivated violence increased 3.3 percent," the report said.

The report states that political violence resumed following the end of the state of emergency, with opposition party supporters claiming harassment by ruling party supporters.

Referring to a report by one human rights organisation, it stated that 251 deaths were suspected of being politically motivated.

DISSENT

Restrictions on holding rallies and processions ended with the withdrawal of the state of emergency in December 2008. The new government generally permitted rallies to take place but on occasion used Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code to prevent opposition political groups from holding meetings and demonstrations.

Section 144 authorizes the administration to ban assembly of more than four persons; according to human rights groups, the administration used this provision at least 82 times during the year.

At times police or ruling party activists reportedly used force to break up demonstrations.

BDR DEATHS

On February 25-26, members of the BDR staged a mutiny, alleging poor pay and benefits, as well as corruption among senior officers drawn from the army, the report noted.

During the two-day mutiny, BDR soldiers killed 57 officers and 15 of their family members, including the director general and his wife. Security forces subsequently arrested more than 2,000 individuals allegedly involved in the uprising

According to media reports, 59 BDR members arrested in the wake of the February 25-26 mutiny died in custody.

"There were credible reports that many of the deceased had been tortured. To investigate these allegations, the government formed a committee, which concluded that only two members died as a result of torture. No other government action was taken," said the report.

"Family members of the victims alleged they died after being tortured ... several BDR members taken into custody claimed the RAB and police physically assaulted and beat them, administered electric shocks, blindfolded them, and hung them upside down while in custody; NGOs alleged army personnel also were involved in custodial deaths."

The report noted that the government announced an investigation and promised to publish a report by July regarding the nature of the deaths but failed to publish any report. The government investigation ruled that only two members died due to torture and that the others died as a result of illness or suicide. At year's end the government had not taken any action regarding the deaths or allegations of torture.

ATTACKS ON JOURNALISTS

Attacks on journalists continued to be a problem, the report said. There was an increase in individuals affiliated with the government or ruling party harassing, arresting, or assaulting journalists. According to human rights and media watchdog groups, at least three journalists were killed, 84 were injured, one was arrested, 45 were assaulted, 73 were threatened, and 23 had cases filed against them during the year.

According to some journalists and human rights NGOs, journalists engaged in self-censorship for fear of retribution from the government.

CORRUPTION AND TRANSPARENCY

Referring to official corruption and government transparency, the report said the government "did not implement anti-corruption laws effectively".

It also observed that approximately 1,817 cases filed mostly against ruling party leaders were withdrawn over the year, including cases filed against prime minister Sheikh Hasina.



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[ALOCHONA] Gujarat riots: Narendra Modi summoned by SIT



First chief minister to be called for questioning in a criminal complaint
Gujarat riots: Narendra Modi summoned by SIT
 
Ahmedabad, March 11, (PTI):

Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi faced a major embarassment when he was summoned for the first time for questioning in the 2002 riots after a Supreme Court-appointed Special Investigation Team asked him to appear before it on March 21.

Eight years after the post-Godhra riots, Modi suffered the ignominy of being the first-ever chief minister of any state to be called for questioning in connection with a criminal complaint after he and his administration were accused of aiding and abetting riots in one area here.

The summons were issued in connection with the complaint by Zakia Jaffery, widow of former Congress MP Ehsan Jaffery who was killed along with 69 others in the 2002 Gulburg society riots.

"We have asked the Chief Minister (Modi) to appear before us on March 21," SIT chief R K Raghavan told reporters today.The SIT is probing afresh some riot cases. "He has been asked to come for questioning in connection with the complaint of Zakia Jaffery," he added. Over 1,000 people were killed during the riots across the state.

Raghavan dismissed as hypothetical a question whether Modi is legally bound to appear before the SIT. Zakia in her 100-page complaint alleged conspiracy by Modi and 62 others, including his Cabinet colleagues, senior police officials and senior bureaucrats.

Gordhan Zadaphia, Ashok Bhatt, P C Pande, who were the home minister, health minister and the city police commissioner at the time of the riots were also named in the complaint. There was no immediate reaction from Modi or the state government. "I hope that justice will be given to us...It has been a long journey. I am very happy that Modi has been summoned," Zakia said.

Raghavan said the SIT will submit its report to the Supreme Court on its investigation into some of the riot cases by the end of April. He was evasive whether the SIT probe will come to an end once Modi responds to the summons. "Possibly yes, not necessarily," he said.

"We have examined a number of witnesses who have given evidence and levelled allegations against Modi as well.  We have to post that evidence to Modi...We are giving a chance to him to respond to the allegations and get responses." Raghavan said the SIT has "almost come to the end of the inquiry".

"So we have naturally to ask Modi as to what he thinks of the information we have collected," he added. SIT has already recorded statements of number of persons named in Zakia's complaint which include, Zadafia, BJP leader I K Jadeja, former IPS officer R B Sreekumar, social activist Teesta Setalvad, IG Shivanand Jha, some senior police officers and political leaders.

The Supreme court had in April last year asked the SIT to look into the complaint of Zakia. The SIT which was constituted by the apex court to investigate the Godhra train carnage case and eight other post-Godhra riot cases, was directed by the SC to examine a complaint by Jaffery and submit report in three months.

In July last year, the Gujarat High Court dismissed a petition challenging the probe by SIT against Modi and 62 others for their role during the 2002 riots. Former BJP MLA Kalu Malivad (one of the 62 people named in the complaint) had filed a petition in the Gujarat High Court demanding a stay on investigations by the SIT with regard to Zakia's complaint.

The High Court had dismissed the petition saying as the SIT is directly working under the supervision of the Supreme Court no relief can be granted in this matter and dismissed the petition.
http://www.deccanherald.com/content/57528/

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[ALOCHONA] The Peelkhana Tragedy : Bangladesh and Regional Perspectives



The Peelkhana Tragedy : Bangladesh and Regional Perspectives

 

By Dr. K. M. A. Malik, Cardiff, UK

 

Introduction

 

During February 25-26, 2009, the whole nation witnessed, rather helplessly, the most barbarous assault on the defence forces of Bangladesh. At the BDR headquarters at Peelkhana, Dhaka, a group of BDR personnel staged a so-called 'rebellion' or 'mutiny' and engaged in a brutal campaign of violence, murder, rape, arson and other heinous crimes against their commanding officers and their families. The officers were all deputed from the Armed forces and serving at different levels in the BDR.

 

This was the worst possible massacre of the armed force officers in the country's history. Victims of murder included 57 serving army officers and 17 others. Other crimes involved widespread looting of properties and of huge quantities of arms and ammunition, arson and rape.

 

What led to the tragedy?

 

Some vested groups have said that the Massacre resulted only from the BDR soldiers' long standing grievances against their commanding army officers, for poor pay and service conditions, etc.

 

But a dominant view is that these factors might have played some part in motivating the ordinary soldiers to stage a 'mutiny' against their commanders, but this alone cannot explain the gruesome event, systematic murder campaign to annihilate a significant portion of the officers of Bangladesh defence forces with unspeakable brutality. The 'mutiny' must have other dimensions with a hidden agenda to inflict a mortal blow to the Bangladesh defence forces including those guarding the country's borders.

 

The entire Bangladesh is convinced that "Peelkhana massacre was the outcome of a long and deep-rooted conspiracy." Even the Prime Minister and several government leaders as well as the opposition leaders and security analysts said publicly that there was a conspiracy behind the carnage. However, there are clear differences about the nature of 'conspirators'.

 

The truth is: the real nature of the Conspiracy has not yet been unearthed. The mystery behind the Peelkhana carnage and the behind-the-scene masterminds and actors of these horrendous crimes are yet to be exposed.

 

Cover Up?

 

Immediately after the event, the government instituted several inquiry committees. But none of these reports has met with the public demand for the truth. Scrutiny of various steps taken by the government and some pre-emptive remarks made by some ministers and MPs, one can detect a clear attempt by the government to hide from the public some vital aspects of the truth.

 

Thousands of BDR soldiers were detained and questioned. Most attention is given to only those BDR soldiers who took direct part in the mutiny. But no serious attempts are being made to identify the real masterminds (local and/or foreign) behind the crimes.

 

There remain serious questions regarding the 'mysterious deaths' of a large number of BDR personnel under custody. Whatever the government may say, many people believe that most of these personnel were 'permanently removed' for some ulterior motives.

 

What happened to three of the four army officers in charge of intelligence within the BDR headquarters on the fateful days? Where is the statement of the only surviving officer? We need to know why so many people met unnatural deaths. What sorts of information they provided to the authorities? Did they reveal the identities of their controllers?

 

Why the telephone conversations from some leaders of the mutiny to their controllers within the country and abroad are not made public? Is it true that these call records have been destroyed?

 

There are hundreds of questions that remain unanswered and unexplained. The government cannot escape their responsibility by pointing accusing fingers to political opponents or by resorting to diversionary tactics.

 

Foreign involvement?

 

There is widespread belief and circumstantial evidence to suggest that the Massacre was a well-planned 'Commando' operation carried at the behest of a foreign intelligence agency. The suspected culprit is R&AW and/or some of its covert outfits. Obviously, few agents within Bangladesh security services and political establishments helped R&AW to execute the plan without exposing the involvement of their mentors and controllers. Those BDR soldiers carrying out the crimes directly were only 'foot-soldiers', most of whom probably did not understand in the beginning that they were being pushed into an extremely dangerous game that would bring disaster not only to themselves but also to their families, to the armed forces, to the BDR and to the country's security system. The foot soldiers are now paying the price, while their controllers remain officially unexposed.

 

R&AW and India's geo-strategy

 

R&AW is like CIA, MI5, KGB, ISI, MOSSAD and other intelligence agencies, which advance their respective country's strategic, military, economic, political, cultural and other interests, by a host of overt and covert operations. In South Asian region, the agency and its several other outfits have long been very vigorously active especially in Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan and Bangladesh to establish its total political, economic and strategic hegemony over these countries. It is also very active in Myanmar, Afghanistan and several central Asian countries to extend India's external sphere of influence. There are numerous documentary evidences to prove R&AW's operations in these countries. The involvement of R&AW in the Peelkhana Conspiracy is a real possibility for many reasons.

 

Indian rulers have always advocated a policy of expanding their hegemony over the whole South Asian region. During the last two decades, with increasing economic and military might, they have forged strong strategic and military alliances with the USA and Israel. India has now become more ambitious and feels less constrained to interfere in the political, military, economic and other spheres of less powerful countries like Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh.

 

Importance of Bangladesh in India's geo-strategy

 

India fought a disastrous border war with China in 1962, the main theatre being the Arunachal Prodesh or South Tibet, which lies north east of Bangladesh. The dispute involves a territory of about 25000 square miles and still remains unresolved. It is not impossible that at some future time, this area would become a flash point for another India-China confrontation.

 

India's defence and strategic establishments fear that China may have a sophisticated strategy to severe India from its seven northeastern states by linking up with Bangladesh across the Siliguri Corridor (the so-called Chicken Neck). The seven sister states have tremendous natural resources.

 

Also, the armed insurgencies or freedom struggles in the so-called 'seven sister' northeastern states have long been a big problem for India and its military strategists. India cannot fight these insurgent groups without physical and security co-operations by Bangladesh.

 

In order to fully establish India's authority by eliminating the 'insurgency' threat in the region and also to prepare for any future conflict with China, it is imperative for India to bring Bangladesh under its strategic and military fold.

 

The location of Bangladesh is an eye-shore to the strategists of India. In a conflict situation if a hostile Bangladesh, Nepal and/or China cuts off the Siliguri Corridor, there is no way (apart from very expensive and dangerous air-lifts) for Indian troops/arms/ammunition reaching the north east.

 

Therefore, if Bangladesh does not allow 'free passage' of Indian military personnel, arms and ammunition through its territory, it is extremely difficult for India to eliminate the insurgency threat and also to prepare adequately for a future conflict with China.

 

For the same strategic reasons, India also needs to bring Nepal, Bhutan (already under Indian thumb), Myanmar and Sri Lanka under its hegemony. 

 

India and Bangladesh armed forces

 

India's policy towards Bangladesh defence was made very clear before its armed forces intervened directly in Bangladesh war in 1971. In a secret treaty, which the Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmed of the government-in-exile, was coerced to sign with India, it was clearly stated that the new country would not have any 'army' but only a security force for maintenance of internal law and order.

 

Over the years, Bangladesh has built up moderately strong armed forces, which the Indian rulers have looked with suspicion. Procurement of arms from China, Pakistan and several western countries was not to India's liking. Protests and resistance by the BDR to the BSF atrocities in the border areas are considered by India as 'unfriendly' acts. The utter defeat of BSF aggressors at the hands of BDR at Roumari in April 2001 was an event, which the Indian rulers never forgot or forgave.

 

The Bangladesh army and BDR have always been demonized by Indian media and R&AW-inspired defence analysts as well as by some leading political leaders. Unfortunately, some of their Bangladeshi agents and followers have also argued for the abolition of Bangladesh army, suggesting the handover of security of the country to India. Invoking the exaggerated threat from the 'Islamic militants' or ISI-sponsored Taliban/al-Qaeda has been a constant theme in the propaganda war against Bangladesh and its defence forces.

 

There is no country in the world, apart from India and perhaps its strategic anti-Muslim partner Israel, to see Bangladesh defence forces to be destroyed or appended to India's security system.

 

In the wake of Peelkhana tragedy, the talks of joint forces for anti-terrorism tasks and joint border management seem to be motivated and serve India's strategic and security interests. This could be a ploy to bring Bangladesh army, BDR, security agencies under Indian control. Some misguided politicians may be too naïve to understand the real agenda.

 

The BDR massacre has ruined the border defence of the country, making BSF more aggressive. Even after the so-called peace offensives by the Prime Ministers of the two countries, killings of Bangladesh nationals by BSF have not diminished. During the last 13 months, BSF has killed 99, injured 849 and abducted 897 Bangladeshi nationals at different border areas. They have also embarked on illegal land grabbing and intrusion into Bangladesh territories. BDR forces are helpless, demoralized, without strong guidance to perform their duties.

 

The greatest tragedy, however, is that in the wake of the Paeelkhana tragedy, a large number of defence forces personnel has been forced-retired or dismissed on the suspicion that they are not 'proven' supporters of the ruling party. Even most of those officers who, in their meeting with the Prime Minister immediately after the Massacre, raised some awkward questions regarding the roles of the government and General Moeen in responding to the SOS calls from BDR DG Maj. Gen. Shakeel and other officers (before the killing process started), have been forced out of service.

 

Bangladesh in wider strategic landscape

 

Many analysts believe that Bangladesh is now a part of the 'field' on which the 'great game' is played by the big powers. It is a part of rebalancing of world's forces - a re-configuration before World War III.

 

USA wants India to be its Strategic ally in Asia (as Israel is its partner in the Middle East), before its confrontation with China in coming decades. For this, India cannot afford to be encircled by Pakistan in the west, Nepal and China in the north and northeast, Bangladesh and Myanmar in the east and Sri Lanka in the south.

 

There is doubt that India's strategic scenario will be to draw in at least Bangladesh, Myanmar and Sri Lanka into its sphere of influence so as to keep its eastern and southern flanks free. Having Nepal under its thumb is also necessary.

 

We live in a period of historical change, which happens once in every 200-300 years. The world's economic and geo-political tectonic plates are shifting from the west to east. It is imperative for us to understand this strategic re-balancing of world's forces that are happening right now.

 

Conclusion

 

The BDR Massacre has inflicted serious injuries to the defence and security forces of the country. There are more dangers ahead and more conspiracies will be hatched to make Bangladesh a vassal state of foreign powers. All patriotic nationalist forces, irrespective of political affiliation, religious beliefs and ethnicity, must unite, remain vigilant and face the country's enemies with courage.

-----------------------------------

* The essay is a slightly edited version of the keynote paper presented at the Seminar on "The Peelkhana Tragedy: Bangladesh and Regional Perspectives", held on 6 March, 2010, at Devenant Centre, London.

 



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[ALOCHONA] Mahmudur Rahman Attacked in London






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[ALOCHONA] Slow-poisoning’ claim needs to be investigated



Editorial
Slow-poisoning' claim needs to be investigated

THE claim that the prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, made on Thursday, i.e. she 'was slow-poisoned in jail' during the two-year rule of the military-controlled interim government, was stunning, although the deputy leader of the house and senior presidium member of the ruling Awami League, Syeda Sajeda Chowdhury, had already raised the allegation last year. (Sajeda told a news briefing that Hasina and Khaleda Zia, chairperson of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and now leader of the opposition in the parliament, were both slow-poisoned in jail.) When the prime minister makes such a claim — that too, in the parliament — there can hardly be any reason to question its credibility.
 
Moreover, for a considerable part of its tenure, the interim government did try to eliminate Hasina and Khaleda Zia, through forced exile or convictions in cases related to serious crimes and high-profile corruptions, in its bid to redraw the political landscape with its cronies in leadership positions. Hence, the possibility of someone on the interim government trying to poison Hasina and Khaleda to death cannot be ruled out.
   
Now that the prime minister has herself come up with the allegation, that too in the parliament, it is only logical to expect a thorough investigation so that the perpetrators and the masterminds of the deadly scheme can be identified and brought to justice. However, such an investigation may not be forthcoming; at least, that is the impression one would get from the statement of the prime minister. According to a report front-paged in New Age on Friday, Hasina said one of her eyes was 'nearly damaged' as a consequence of the slow-poisoning but quickly added that she didn't 'want to elaborate on those private matters.' Needless to say, an attempt to kill her cannot be a 'private matter' because she is a political leader.
   
Moreover, Hasina and her government have thus far displayed a curious reticence when it comes to calling the official and unofficial leaders of the interim government to account for the many misdeeds that they committed during the emergency rule. It is pertinent to recall that the ruling party did not even move a censure motion in the parliament to condemn the illegal and unconstitutional takeover and tenure of the interim government although some senior AL lawmakers have publicly stressed the need for constitutional safeguards against extra-constitutional interventions in the democratic political process. Worse still, it was reported in the media last year that the prime minister had asked senior party colleagues not to make any public statement with regard to prosecution and punishment of the onstage and backstage players of the interim government.
   
The apparent unwillingness of the government to even publicly condemn the proponents and exponents of the military-controlled regime, let alone take them to task, for their misadventure, which has had a serious fallout on politics as well as the economy, only lends credence to the allegation that the ruling party struck some clandestine deals with the interim government to facilitate its return to power. Such misgivings need to be dispelled and allegations proved wrong, which can only happen if the government initiate a move to put the official and unofficial leaders of the interim government in the dock for meddling with the political process. A credible and comprehensive investigation into the prime minister's 'slow-poisoning' claim could be a good start in this direction.
 
 


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