[Attachment(s) from Anis Ahmed included below]
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Please look back to their political affiliation, their role during our liberation war in 1971, just ask yourself where the BNP leader was during those days, ask your leader why she did not want to come out of the Pak Army shelter. Then you will realize what the BNP is. This is a group who were supporting Pakistan during liberation war, members of Pakistan Convention Muslim League of Gen Ayub Khan, followers and inherits of Nurul Amin, Wahiduzaman Khan, Sabur Khan and FOKA Choudhury and more. They are not anti-state elements but they are anti-Bangladesh group. They think PAKISTAN is a Holy place for them (PAK+STAN). They do not know where the name Pakistan came from. Maybe you also do not know Then listen : P from Punjab, A from Afghan, K from Kashmir, I from Indus Valley and STAN from Baluchistan. Look at the History before 1947 then you will be able to find out who composed the name of Pakistan. Can you smell Bangla or Bengal in this name? Did they ever include a nation having more population than Pakistan? They never thought of it. They didn't want us, the people of the then BENGAL muslim in their Pakistan. So we are out of them now.Borakh Bash.
On Tuesday, December 17, 2013, Shah Deeldar wrote:
--This is how the true murderers are being rehabilitated in Bangladesh. The criminals of 1971 have become our true Desh-Premik by their own definition but the repugnant odor from these people' bodies has not evaporated yet. It is a good try but the history would not be rewritten again. A Razakar remains a Razakar in Bangladesh! I understand why Mr. QR would like to infuse a confusion here with this infamous word.
-SD"I speak for the trees, for the trees have no tongues."
-Seuss
On Tuesday, December 17, 2013 7:22 PM, Subimal Chakrabarty <subimal@yahoo.com> wrote:
To understand the correct narrative of spirit of 1971, elaborate on the four state principles of 1972 original constitution.Read history or ask some one knowledgeable to know what you should mean my razakar, albadar, alshams, and collaborators of 1971.Mixing up the razakars of 1971 with so called 'neo-razakars' is a tactic used by those who want to undermine the crimes committed by the anti liberation forces who engaged in heinous crimes against humanity.
Sent from my iPhoneWe have gained a country and no amount of propaganda can take that away from us. Now we have the task to bring "Correct" narrative of "Spirit of 71".
Did all these people die so we can throw big parties, make the biggest flag or establish justice, peace, food security, safety for ALL people of this country?
History tells us every country had their tiny share of "Rajakars" or "Mirzafars". We have to ensure we mark the "New Mirzafars/rajakars" of our time and destroy their plot from our walk to establish justice, food security, peace and security for ALL citizens of our country.
Rajakars/Mirzafars come with different dress, message and costumes in different times, our LOVE for our country and people will have to be the criterion which will help us to separate these Rajakars/mirzafars from the rest of our population.
Thank you for speaking from your heart, I just wanted to add my two cents to it.
May peace be unto you!
-----Original Message-----
From: Avijit Roy <charbak_bd@yahoo.com>
To: mukto-mona <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Mon, Dec 16, 2013 11:38 am
Subject: [mukto-mona] Victory Day with a different taste!
The whole nation celebrates the 43rd Victory Day today, paying tributes to the three million martyrs for their supreme sacrifice and with a renewed call for executing all the verdicts against war criminals.
I wrote a piece in Bangla at Mukto-Mona Bangla blog:
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ভিন্ন স্বাদের বিজয়, এবং নতুন সাজে মুক্তমনা
সুমনের একটা গানের লাইন আছে – 'কয়েকটা দিন ভীষণ রঙিন'। খুব প্রিয় একটি গানের লাইন। আজ বিজয় দিবসের দিনে এই লাইনটি বারে বারেই মনের আঙিনায় উঠে আসছে।
এ যেন এক অন্যরকম বিজয়। 'যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের বিচার' – যে আপাত অসম্ভব ঘটনাকে চিরসত্য ভেবে নিয়ে দেশে বড় হয়েছিলাম আশি এবং নব্বইয়ের দশকে, যে সময়গুলোতে 'জয় বাংলা'কে দেখা হত অস্পৃশ্য অচ্ছুৎ এক শব্দাবলী হিসেবে, সেই সময়ের এক কৈশোর অতিক্রান্ত তরুণ ছিলাম আমি। এ এক অলুক্ষণে সময় – যে সময়টাতে আমার চারপাশের বন্ধুবান্ধবেরা জোর গলায় বিএনপি করার কথা বলত, ইসলামী ছাত্র শিবির আর জামায়েতে ইসলামীর 'হে তরুণ এস সত্যের পথে' টাইপের চিকা মারা থাকতো বাড়ির আশে পাশের দেয়ালগুলোতে, আর আওয়ামিলীগকে দেখা হত 'রুশ ভারতের দালাল হিসেবে', কিংবা 'হিন্দুদের পার্টি' হিসেবে। বঙ্গবন্ধুর সাতই মার্চের ভাষণ ছিল রেডিও টেলিভিশন থেকে পুরোপুরি নিষিদ্ধ। নিষিদ্ধ ছিল 'জয় বাংলা, বাংলার জয়' এর মত অসংখ্য গানও। টিভির নাটকে আর চলচ্চিত্রে রাজাকার শব্দটি পারতপক্ষে মুখে তোলা হত না। পাকিস্তানের নাম না নিয়ে বলা হত 'শত্রুরা'। … সেই সময় এক অখ্যাত তরুণ বুকের মধ্যে লালন করছিল যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের বিচারের স্বপ্ন। মনের গহীন কোনে আশা করে যাচ্ছিল ঘুরে দাঁড়াবার। কিন্তু ঘুণাক্ষরেও কি ভাবতে পেরেছিল সেই স্বপ্নগুলো সত্যি হয় উঠবে দুই দশকের মধ্যেই?
একাত্তরে জন্মেছিলাম আম�=B
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Mukto Mona plans for a Grand Darwin Day Celebration:
Call For Articles:
http://mukto-mona.com/wordpress/?p=68
http://mukto-mona.com/banga_blog/?p=585
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After the execution of a senior Jamaat-e-Islami leader, the religious party faces an uncertain future.
SALEEM SAMAD
Hours after
More than 100 JeI activists have been detained in a nation-wide crackdown.
Molla's execution has lead to heated debates about the role of political Islam in the country and the future for religious opposition parties.
"
'Surge and Decline'
JeI had opposed the break-up of
But a military coup in 1975 lifted the ban on JeI. During the 1980s, the religious party joined a multi-party coalition and later supported the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). In October 2001, it emerged as the country's third largest party, securing 17 seats in the 300-member parliament. Both the JeI and BNP led by Begum Khaleda Zia replaced the Awami League (AL), which had been in power since 1996.
In 2008,
Molla became the first person convicted by the tribunal. He was initially sentenced to life in prison in February. Calling a life sentence as too lenient, thousands across Bangladeshdemanded he be hanged. And in September, the Supreme Court overturned life in prison and replaced it with a death sentence.
With his hanging, some observers believe JeI's power also has been executed.
While war veterans from 1971 and thousands of pro-independence youths rejoiced after the hanging, the JeI's acting head Moqbul Ahmed warned "people would [want] revenge" on the party's website, which triggered a massive crackdown against JeI activists.
Ahmed has called on the international community to raise its voice against the "repression on the opposition".
"Since coming to power the government (of Awami League) has practiced unbridled corruption, nepotism and even torture upon members of the opposition. They are now making a last-ditch attempt to stay in power indefinitely by amending the constitution and destroying the state apparatus. They have abolished the caretaker system of government and have enacted a new system to hold elections under their own party government," the Jamaat chief said, something which its political partner BNP also backs.
Both the parties have in recent months launched blockades; often resulting in violence and killings, to press for their demands but the ruling
JeI says crackdown on its members and the hanging of its leader was "politically motivated".
But others feel the executions were fair, as Jamaat's paramilitary Al Badr had committed "heinous war abuses" for which they need to be punished.
According to M A Hasan, of the War Crimes Fact Finding Committee, an independent body investigating the 1971 massacres: "Al Badr had been engaged in forced abduction and execution of Bangla-speaking pro-independence nationalists and secularists to brutally muzzle the voices for freedom."
The war historian's documents claim that "local henchmen" allied with Pakistani soldiers were involved in "killing at least 3 million and sexual abusing 400,000 women during the nine months civil war."
Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and UN rights experts have continued their criticism of the war crimes tribunals and the laws under which they operate.
However, Bangladeshi authorities have always argued that they met national standards and that justice is needed for war crimes committed during the bloody war of independence from
'Partner's silence'
The BNP, Jel's erstwhile political ally, has been conspicuously silent since Molla's execution.
It is currently pre-occupied in talks with the ruling
"It seems BNP is more desperate for a political solution than stalemate and may have deliberately overlooked JeI's concerns," Ahmed explains.
The BNP has been holding series of blockades of the country's transport system since December in protest of holding what it says is "farcical" election in January.
A court has already declared the registration of the JeI as "illegal" to contest national polls.
" [The] BNP's strategic election partner has become a dead horse and a political burden for the opposition," says Nzmul Ahsan Kalimullah, a professor of public administration at theUniversity of
'Uncertain future'
JeI may not be a dead horse but even some party insiders believe it is facing a worst crisis in its 40-year-long political history in
"It would be a Herculean task to survive against the ruling party which has an overwhelming majority in the government," says explains Salauddin Babar, executive editor of the pro-JeI newspaper, Dainik Naya Diganta, and a senior JeI member. "It will be an uphill battle to survive the current political crisis JeI faces."
Babar believes that the crackdown weakend the party's chain of command and Jel could crack under the pressure.
"The political future of the party has been challenged after a sustained crackdown on the leadership. Jamaat's future is uncertain," he says.
First published in Al Jazeera news portal, December 21, 2013
Saleem Samad is an award winning
Joy Manush! Humanity First!
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