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Thursday, August 16, 2012

Re: [mukto-mona] Re: Father of the Nation Controversy: No Controversy at all



Mr. Hussaini is basically a spammer of worst kind. He basically forwards pro-Pakistani ;Razakari' writings without even endorsing whether he agrees with them or not. But if you dig little deeper, he is rather a Razakar sympathizer but prefers to call himself as a 'true patriot'. I think you get the idea. What he was doing during the liberation war is also rather questionable. If this kind of pathetic figure questions about the legitimacy of Bangobhandu, I would rather ignore such imbecile and move on. The first time I responded to this man, he wanted to show me his degree certificate than making any good arguments for his positions. That was hilarious! He probably thought I would be impressed with his degree and pass him as some wise man.  
-SD
 
"All great truths begin as blasphemies." GBS

From: Nurul Aman <nislam2@gmail.com>
To: shahadathussaini@hotmail.com
Cc: bangladeshi googlesgroups <bangladeshiamericans@googlegroups.com>; khabor <khabor@yahoogroups.com>; alochona <alochona@yahoogroups.com>; mokto mona <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>; chottala yahoogroups <chottala@yahoogroups.com>; diagnose <diagnose@yahoogroups.com>; baainews@yahoogroups.com; BCCDIcommunity_news@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Thursday, August 16, 2012 9:56 AM
Subject: [mukto-mona] Re: Father of the Nation Controversy: No Controversy at all [1 Attachment]

 
As a proud nation, we all must pay our due respect and thoughts of sadness and prayer on the day of the 37th anniversary of the tragic and brutal assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his immediately family members (be peace upon them). Regardless of our political affiliations or ideological differences, we must remember them with our deep sense of solemn gratitude and gratefulness on this day of August 15th. On this national mourning day, this is not appropriate to making a headline such as "Father of the Nation Controversy" caption originated in this email by someone. There are several reasons why we Bangladeshis must be decent and grateful to pay our due respect and honor for the families of Sheikh Mujib for generations to come. Here are a few reasons I like to mention:
 
  1. Sheikh Mujib was the first Bangladeshi ruler in thousands of years of our history. He brought our own national identity as Bangladeshis for the first time.
 
  1. It is not important who have had announced Sheikh Mujib the Father of the New Nation, including the then Prime Minister of India on Nov 6th, 1971 during her recognition speech for Bangladesh in the Indian Parliament. It is the legacy of Sheikh Mujib's relentless fight against Pakistan's 25 years rule of colonialism and brutal atrocities that earned him the sole founder and creator of Bangladesh. Of course, thanks to the great military and diplomatic support of India and the then USSR in supporting our cause in the UN Security Council, which was crucial.
 
  1. Sheikh Mujib and Bangladesh are inseparable words because without Sheikh Mujib's uncompromising struggle against Pakistani Military and undemocratic civilian rulers, Bangladesh would never be able to see the lights of independence and thus our own national identity on the world map. His strong sense of patriotism and sincere love for the oppressed citizens of the then E. Pakistan had tremendously energized young men and women in 1971, especially his historic March 7th speech. The atrocities and genocide started by Pakistan Military on March 25th was the breaking point of the prolonged struggle led by Sheik Mujib, Tajuddin and so many of his fellow Patriotic leaders of AL.
 
  1. Without the civil war drawn to us by Pakistan military on March 25th, India would never take that moment of opportunity to liberate Bangladesh from the brutality of Pakistani rulers. If India did not take the initiatives by making its alliance with the then USSR, the citizens of Bangladesh would still be under colonial rule of Pakistan with more miseries and atrocities collaborated by the Razakars in the then E. Pakistan. In this context, the struggle of the people of Palestine for over 60 years without any support from the Super power is a good example of that. We Bangladeshis would suffer much more dangerously than the sufferings of Palestinians with no point of return.
 
  1. Now after 41 years since our independence and 37 years after the tragic death of Sheik Mujibur Rahman, we are still a proud nation with hard working labor force in a country of 158 million living in a very small land size, the most densely populated country in the world. Despite our very limited resources, the experts in economics and social science in the western world were stunned by the economic miracle of success of continuous economic growth rate of over 5% per year for several years, no famine since 1973, no starvation, and no kids without clothing to wear.
 
  1. In addition, young Bangladeshis are competing with neighboring Indian youth in acquiring cutting edge knowledge in engineering, medical science, computer science, business and economics, other social science and Math. Their excellent academic achievements helped building new enterprises in Bangladesh, including the greatest NGOs such as the Grameen Bank of Dr. Yunus, the BRAC of Fazle Abed, and other great pioneers. The ingenuity of the educated youth of Bangladesh and their technological nuance helped massive migration of Bangladeshis to the industrialized world and the Middle East to becoming a part of the most advanced technological work force in the world, including in the USA. The billions of remittances from these productive work force has kept Bangladesh moving forward with economic progress, women's freedom to work, educate themselves and raising their families. It is worth mentioning here that thousands of Bangladeshi youth have been studying in the top colleges across the Globe, including in US, and holding great professional careers and leadership everywhere.
 
  1. Over 41 years of our independence, we also see sharp differences between today's Pakistan and Bangladesh in terms of economic and social, and political progress. Pakistan has turned out to be a failed state with economic and political chaos and the decline of social stability. Without the US loyalty aid of $3 billion/yr, that country would have become another Somalia. On the other hand, Bangladesh has earned political stability of democratic process with sustained economic growth, significant progress in education, technology, communication, women's empowerment and war on poverty and population growth.
 
Having mentioned above only a few of the great things we take pride for, Bangladesh couldn't be prouder nation on the face of the earth in the 21st century. All of these great things came along because of our independence in 1971. Our pride and glory as Bangladeshis and our relentless competition with neighboring India in terms of technological knowledge and intellectual development for the new generation have certainly gained tremendous respect and appreciation by the industrialized world of the western hemisphere. Therefore, with great sense of patriotism and national pride, my kudos to the family of late Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his immediate family members who had to die with him! I give my sincere salute to him for his great sacrifice to giving us our own identity as a nation of our own, to rule and to govern by our own people. I care less whether it is good or bad. I care more because it is our own pride and our own identity. With the same token, we must pay our due respect to the surviving family members of Sheik Mujibur Rahman, the undisputed Father of the Nation. That is called true patriotism.
 
That being said, it is not appropriate to spread the words of disrespectful and senseless comments with a headline such as "Father of the Nation Controversy" spreading in the email groups in the community. This is also disturbing and sense of disrespect to the independence of Bangladesh, especially to the people who fought and sacrificed their precious lives for the country that would end the atrocities of Pakistan military.
 
In this context above, it is worth mentioning about another disturbing captioned subject as "Indian Razakar….Sheikh Hasina" sent by Shahadat Hussaini dated June 14, 2012. This caption was not only out of the context of Indian's building the dams, but also extremely offensive and insult to the surviving daughter of our Father of the Nation as well as freedom fighters of Bangladesh who gave honorable service to the nation. Here is why it is so offensive and unacceptable caption sent by Shahadat Hussaini:
 
The phrase "Indian Razakar" is not in the vocabulary of Bangladesh and it has never been. Razakar is the established word as the collaborator of Pakistan Army against the war of Independence in 1971. I wonder what in the world Mr. Hussaini has come up with this strange meaningless phrase "Indian Razakar" to personally insult honorable PM Sheikh Hasina. Labeling honorable PM as the "Indian Razakar" is a reflection of senseless effort of Mr. Hussaini to distort the history of Bangladesh and thus deny the evil acts of real Razakars, who committed human crimes against innocent civilians of Bangladesh. In the free world of Internet platform, we all have the liberty and privilege to openly criticize the political leaders, including Sheikh Hasina as a PM of Bangladesh. There is no problem there. But labeling her as the "Indian Razakar"? It was way over the line and simply unacceptable. This type of tone from a Bangladeshi is a wake up call and cautionary notice to take as a sentiment of anti-Bangladesh spirit. I have a message for this anti-Bangladeshi sentiment: Real Razakars have no place on Bangladeshi platform of any kind. Everyone can observe through the masks they are wearing that they are either still delusionally insane and ridiculously obsessed with Pakistan style fanaticism and fascism or could never feel comfortable living in Bangladesh as an independent country maintaining good relationship with India as a realistic foreign policy strategy or both.
 
If Mr. Hussaini is one of those people, he is not welcome to Bangladeshi forum to spread the poisons of evils of Pakistan style propaganda. This uncalled for assault clearly undermines the sanctity and honorable legacy of Bangladesh Independence. As a freedom fighter of Bangladesh, I take this assault personally and seriously. If that is the case for the people like Mr. Hussaini, America or Bangladesh may not be the right places for them to live. Pakistan or Saudi Arabaia might be better alternatives for them to migrate. The problem is, however, unlike America or Bangladesh, those countries won't be so generous and fair to welcome and treat them with due respect and equality. That is the reality.
 
At the end, I have news for reality check. Because of AL Government in Bangladesh, women in Bangladesh have the privilege of enjoying the freedom to choose their jobs, education, mobility, choose their partners, career, and raise their kids the way they see the best. Because of AL government, the Pakistani style fanatics such as Jamat Party and their few supporters within BNP are hesitant to spread ethnic hatred and discriminatory attacks on minorities and oppress women's freedom. Because of the legacy of Sheikh Mujib's equal opportunity for all men, women of all ethnicities, AL Government still carries that ideology for everyone. Any other alternative Admin than AL political structure today will try to transform Bangladesh into another Pakistan of 2012. That is the last thing the young Bangladeshis would like to see. The good news is the fanatic evils of Pakistan culture will never be able to emerge to take over Bangladesh. That is not going to happen. Obsessive and senseless animosity with India is not a realistic foreign policy strategy because that is the only neighbor surrounding Bangladesh as the rising powerful country economically, militarily, intellectually, politically, and technologically. We must compete with India by mutual respect, dignity, sovereignty while maintaining cooperation on all key economic affairs including the dams and bridges. Our competition with India must focus on bringing equal justice for all, excel in math, science, business, engineering, medical science, social science and economics, computer science and internet infrastructure. That is the best path we are taking. That is the future of sustainable society for peace and prosperity.
 
Thanks so much for your time for reading my take on this day of Aug 15/16.
 
Sincerely, Nurul Aman

On Wed, Aug 15, 2012 at 5:56 PM, Shahadat Hussaini <shahadathussaini@hotmail.com> wrote:
 

 

 – My Comments

 
Thursday May 25 2006 17:51:07 PM BDT

 
By Tuhin Reza, UK

 
Re: Abid Bahar's article –Father of the Nation, April 2006

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the father of a nation that he did not want to come into existence. One may wonder whether he should be regarded as the reluctant or accidental father who did not even want the baby to be born; who attempted to abort the foetus but by a miracle, it came to see life.

Following my recent write up (3 April 2006) in the NFB I have found further information which actually lends support to the position taken in that article that Mujib and the Awami League leadership in 1971 did not want an independent Bangladesh at least not up to 25 March 1971. I am not going to repeat the facts mentioned in my earlier write up in this article.

One respected writer in the NFB said earlier that this was a meaningless debate by BNP-Jamat gang. It is the view of this writer that the issue here has nothing to do with party political affiliations; incidents of pre-25 March'71 are part of Bangladesh's history and it should be presented properly. Bangladesh made supreme sacrifices in 1971 to earn her independence; no other nation on earth has given so many lives at the altar of freedom. It is not then desirable that the history of such a glorious war of independence should be based on some blatant lies. Bangladesh is a matured nation and she must be able to face her past history without hesitation.

The fact that Mujib or AL did not demand independence of Bangladesh before 25 March was also noted by Indira Ghandi. On 6 November 1971 she delivered a speech at Columbia University and stated that the people of East Bengal only demanded independence after the arrest of Mujib and not before that. After the arrest of Mujib and the massacre that followed they realised that they could not live together with Pakistan. (See Govt. of India Bangladesh Documents Vol.2).

In my article of 3 April I argued that up to 25 March 1971 Mujib did nothing to challenge the sovereignty or territorial integrity of Pakistan rather remained faithful to her cause. If one studies Mujib's political life one will find that it was always dominated by self-contradictions. Saying one thing in Paltan or Ramna Race Course and doing something different behind closed door was Mujib's speciality. He also excelled himself in giving promises and not keeping them later.

On the eve of 7 March 1971 an urgent meeting of AL high command took place in which, Mujib stated that the East Pakistan would not get anything from secession except bloodshed and torture and that the mandate that AL received was not for independence but for autonomy. (See David Loshak Pakistan Crisis 1971). One would wonder if this were Mujib's thinking the day before the historic 7 March, how he could then give a call for independence at Ramna Race Course on the day?

Following the speech of 7 March 71, that evening AL working committee had a meeting. After the conclusion of the meeting Mujib issued a statement to the journalists in which, he reiterated his four demands, made during his speech. There was no mention of independence in that statement. Mujib blamed a coterie representing the interests of a minority group of West Pakistan for the problems in the East and West. He said that this group was destroying democracy and depriving the People of Bangladesh of their fundamental rights in the same way they were bringing sufferings to the people of West Pakistan.

However, Mujib warned that the vigilant people of Bangladesh and the persecuted population of the West Pakistan would by all means foil the hated conspiracy of this coterie. One should notice here that Mujib was trying to portray himself as a leader not only of Bangladesh but also of the entire underprivileged class of Pakistan – East and West.

Mujib was put on trial by the Pakistani authorities for treason, waging war and declaring independence from Pakistan in August 1971. A team of West Pakistani lawyers including the well-known A K Brohi was employed to assist Mujib in his defence. Also some Bengalis abroad approached a Western Law firm to prepare for Mujib's defence. Later in December 1971 the trial was called off on the face of international pressure. One would wonder what defence Mujib and his defence team was preparing. Was he going to accept that by declaring the independence of Bangladesh he had challenged the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Pakistan and waged a war against the state of Pakistan or was he going to say that he did nothing to cause the secession but always remained loyal to Pakistan? Or was he saying that as the legitimate leader of Bangladesh he had the right to call for independence?

Bhutto in his interview with Oriana Fallaci in 1972 stated that Mujib's lawyer Brohi had informed that it would be very difficult to prove the charges against him since Mujib was not against the unity of Pakistan. He was also loyal to Yahya. What does it mean? Does it not imply that Mujib did nothing that could be construed as compromising the territorial integrity of Pakistan?

On the 7th day of his trial, Mujib told his lawyer that the Pakistani authorities had no right to try him since he was the elected Prime Minister of Pakistan. (See Ahmad Salim Blood Beaten Track: Sheikh Mujib's Nine Months in Pakistan Prison).

Mujib's dream to become Pakistan's Premier was not a new one and as he believed it was a real and achievable dream. There were reasons for him to believe that his prospects of becoming the Pak premier were real. Moudud Ahmed informs in his Bangladesh: A Constitutional Quest for Autonomy that during the dying days of Ayub Khan's rule when Mujib, following his acquittal from the Agartala Conspiracy case, took part in a Round Table Conference in West Pakistan aimed at resolving the political stalemate, a secret proposal was made to Mujib to make him the Prime Minister of Pakistan and to allow Ayub to continue as President. Moudud Ahmed was allegedly very close to Mujib those days and was also in West Pakistan with Mujib. However, smelling the popular sentiment against any such move in the East, Mujib refused to accept this proposal.

Yayha Khan repeatedly referred Mujib in public as future Prime Minister of Pakistan. On 6 March 1971, Yahya spoke to Mujib over the phone (it was a telephone without a number) and requested him not to call for independence the next day and thus to stop all roads for negotiation. He said he was coming to Dhaka to discuss the issues with Mujib. He assured, "Shiekh Shahab, aap Pakistanka Ujir-e-Azam honge." (You will be the Prime Minister of Pakistan). This fact has been narrated by Masudul Haque in his 'Killings of Bengalis and the Break up of Pakistan' (Bangali Hatya abong Pakistaner Bhangan 1997). Masudul Haque received this information from Golam Wahed Chowdhury, the Bengali Minister of Yahya's cabinet. It should be mentioned that G W Chowdhury also wrote a book about the 1971 affairs titled as The Last Days of United Pakistan. Chowdhury informs that he had heard the tape of Mujib-Yahya's telephonic conversation.

On the same day (6 March 1971) Yahya sent a message to Mujib through teleprinter, in which he requested Mujib not to take any decision in haste. He assured Mujib that he was soon coming to Dhaka and that he would have a proposal, which would make Mujib even happier than his 6-points. (See Masudul Haque above).

Rao Farman Ali Khan also in his book How Pakistan Got Divided mentions about the message of Yahya delivered to Mujib on 6 March urging him not to take any decision and that he would come to Dhaka with a better offer. This message was delivered to Mujib by Brigadier (later Lt. Gen) Jilani.

During the Yahya-Mujib dialogue on 19 March 1971 Mujib accepted a proposal to lead a coalition government at the centre of Pakistan. He was to be the Prime Minister and there would be eleven members in his cabinet (six from East and five from West); six from Awami League, three from Bhutto's People's Party and two from Wali Khan's NAP. This happened at a time when Mujib had allegedly called for independence (7 March) and been working towards the establishment of an independent Bangladesh.

This obsession to become the Prime Minister of Pakistan virtually rendered Mujib ineffective and he could not plan for anything regarding the independence of the country. Yahya, by holding this offer of Prime Ministership as a carrot, actually got Mujib to lead a directionless movement and thus to allow himself sufficient time to plan and execute a military crackdown.

Mujib was warned by his lieutenants about the motive of the Pakistanis. He was made aware that they were bringing in more troops and arms and ammunitions; however, he did nothing except using his rhetoric, which he mastered very well.

Tajuddin Ahamed's biographer Badruddin Ahmed who claims to have based his writing mainly on his discussion with Tajuddin informs in his 'Tajuddin: The Great Hero of Liberation War' (Muktijuddhar Mahanayek: Tajuddin Ahamed 2004) that Tajuddin warned Mujib about the military build up and requested him to do something about it. Tajuddin told Badruddin that on 5 March 1971 he warned Mujib about the Pakistani Army's reinforcement. Tajuddin said that something must be done to stop this mobilisation. He also advised Mujib that with the Bengali troops and EPR stationed in Bangladesh it was then possible to defeat the Pakistani Army in Bangladesh. Mujib must do something to stop this army movement. However, Mujib paid no heed to Tajuddin. Tajuddin said (as quoted by Badruddin Ahmed), "Mujib Bhai said, "You do not have to worry about this. I have made all arrangements." At that time a bunch of student leaders came and surrounded Mujib and Mujib went upstairs with them." (My translation from Bengali). The terrifying truth is that Mujib made no arrangements whatsoever.

Badruddin Ahmed in his book also mentions an incident, which will throw some light on what Mujib was thinking about Bangladesh's independence in March 1971. On 17 March 1971 Mujib went to meet Yahya with new Bangladeshi flag embroidered with the map of Bangladesh displayed in his car.

Yayha was very angry. He said, "How is it? President of Pakistan is in Dhaka and how you dare see him hoisting so called Bangladeshi flag in your car?" Mujib felt embarrassed. He said, "Haam keya kar sakta, student lok eay flag jabardasti laga diya." (What can I do, the students forcibly fixed it). Yahya responded, "Aap kaiysa leader hai? Student lokko control kar nehi sakta?" (What sort of leader you are that you cannot control the students?). Mujib's excuse here showed the Pakistanis that he was not in favour of independence but it was the students who were causing the trouble.

From January to March 71, Mujib was playing the same trick. He was telling the Pakistanis that he personally did not want to break away from Pakistan, but there was pressure on him from a section of people to call for independence. The only way to solve this problem was to handover power to him. Apparently on 6 March 1971, Mujib requested Major General Khadim Raja the GOC of the Pakistan Army in Bangladesh to arrest him and thus saving him from calling for independence the next day.

Some faithful Mujib supporters argue that Mujib was proceeding step by step. He did not want to go straight for independence first, but gradually in due course he would have moved for it since it was always his dream. If this is correct, then Mujib must have been bluffing the Pakistanis; he was outwardly working towards a workable power sharing arrangements within the framework of Pakistan and showing allegiance to her, but his true intention was separation from Pakistan. This then makes Mujib a bluffer – a dishonest politician who says one thing in public and sets an official goal to that effect, but actually works for a very different end. If Mujib were a bluffer then question arises who were he actually bluffing – the Pakistani authorities or the people of Bangladesh?

What was the obstruction to Mujib's ascension to the Pakistani premiership? Evidence shows that whatever might have been the personal feelings of Yahya towards Mujib, he apparently was quite willing to make Mujib the Prime Minister. However, Bhutto and top brass of Pakistani military were against this. Apart from them, the greatest obstacle that Mujib faced was from the younger folks of his own political support group – student leaders. Also there was then call from many social and political organisations for full independence (See my article of 3 April 2006). Even if Yahya had offered to make him the Prime Minister on 25 March Mujib knew well that it would not have gone down well with many people in Bangladesh.

On 22 March 1971, a group of students' leaders met Mujib at his residence; one of them told him, "Mujib Bhai, Bengalis do not want that you become the Prime Minister of Pakistan. If you become the Prime Minister then it will be a betrayal to those youths who have given blood. The Bengali nation will call you a traitor and we will not be able to tolerate that … let me make it clear, you will not be the Prime Minister of Pakistan." (My translation from Bengali) (See Nitish Halder and A S M Abdur Rab Rajpath Theke Sangsad (From Street to Parliament).

The dialogues with Yahya, in fact, collapsed on the 23rd March but it somehow dragged on to the next day. According to Kamal Hossain, "When the Awami League team was leaving for the evening session on March 24, Sheikh Mujib indicated that for the name of the state, we should propose 'confederation of Pakistan'. He indicated that we should explain that this was necessary to meet the sentiments of the people. This proposal in part reflected the intensity of the popular sentiment for independence, here particularly as this was articulated by the young militants who were in the vanguard of the mass movement which was surging ahead.

The government side rejected this proposal as a fundamental change in the Awami League stand, while the Awami League side argued that a change in the name did not amount to a fundamental change when all the substantive provisions remained intact, so that a limited but viable federal government had been adequately provided for." (Badruddin Umar "The emergence of Bangladesh").

One cannot help wondering about the deceit implicit in Mujib's instructions. He wanted to rename the country as a confederation to satisfy the independence aspiration of Bengalis, but in fact it would remain a federation. There is a big difference between a confederation and a federation; while the former is a union between independent States the latter is a power sharing arrangement between the central and provincial governments within one State.

It should be noted that the Pakistani authorities proposed the 'Union of Pakistan' instead of 'confederation'.

However, the AL leadership was hopeful that despite some hiccups, some sort of solution would emerge from the dialogues. Indira Ghandi in her speech to Columbia University (cited above) mentioned that only a week before that day, someone (from AL source) told her that they (AL) had thought even on the 24 March that although the dialogues were not absolutely satisfactory they would be able to come to a negotiated settlement.

After the formation of the provisional government on 17 March 1971 at Mujibnagar, Tajuddin Ahmed in his speech stated that at no point AL's dialogue with Yahya had broken down. He also gave a summary of what was agreed between the parties, namely, (1) transfer of power to civilian government by a presidential proclamation; (2) transfer of power to majority parties at provincial level; (3) Yahya should remain as the President and would control the central government; (4) separate sittings of the elected members of East and West Pakistan to prepare for the formulation of constitution.

However, there were a number of issues on which the parties agreed which were not mentioned by Tajuddin in his speech. The most notable of them was that a central cabinet will be formed from the elected representatives of East and West Pakistan. It was in this context the agreement was that Mujib would lead a cabinet of 11 ministers at the centre.

It is common knowledge that Mujib asked his close associates to go into hiding on the 25th of March, as there would be a crackdown. What a great self -contradiction!!! On the 7th he was roaring like a lion that if a single bullet were fired, there would be resistance in every household. When the real crack down came Mujib simply asked his associates to flee and not to resist. There was no suggestion that he asked them to go to ground and organise a fight. He himself chose to surrender despite very strong appeal from his party enthusiasts not to do so. Mujib's decision to give himself up to the Pakistani authorities caused great embarrassment for the Mujibnagar Government.

M A Mohaimen in his Dhaka Agartala Mujibnagar writes, "Sometime in the middle of May I went again to that house in Baliganj circular Road. I learnt that Tajuddin Sahib and his ministers had returned from Delhi the day before. I first went to Khandokher Mustaq's room. He was sitting alone quietly with a reserved face. When I asked about the outcome of their Delhi visit, he burst into anger. He said, how do you expect that we will be able to secure recognition from Indira Ghandi? When Indira Ghandi asked us to explain our war strategy – after starting the fight your commander in chief surrendered and asked you to carry on fighting, what sort of war tactic is this? We could not give any answers." (My translation from Bengali).

It should be noted that Mohaimen had been associated with AL since 1949 and was elected an MCA with AL ticket in the 1970 election. Mohaimen himself could never have come into terms with Mujib's surrender on 25 March 71. He observed, "I can never reconcile the surrender of Sheikh Sahib that night with my mental logic. Whoever says what, my personal belief is that he (Mujib) could have never conceived that the Awami Leaders led by Tajuddin would cross into India, organise freedom fight with India's assistance and free the country like this. He thought that the Pakistani Army would bring the situation under control within few days. Some leaders and semi-leaders will be killed. After killing 10-20 thousands workers they may stop the movement for the time being but will not be able to do it forever. The way people freed him from prison following the Agartala case, in the same way after 2-3 years due to severe agitation the Pakistani government would be compelled to free him and to give him power." (My translation from Bengali).

What was Mujib's mood on the 25 March 71?

A S M Abdur Rab says that at about 4.00 pm on 25 March 1971 he received an anonymous phone call from cantonment warning him that the crackdown would commence at 12 midnight. Then in the evening, at about 6.00 pm, he along with Sirajul Alam Khan, Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni, Abdur Razzak, Tofail Ahmed and some other student leaders went to Mujib's place. They put forward a plan to take Mujib to Chittagong. Mujib did not agree, he said, "You go, don't worry about me." (See A S M Abdur Rab Weekly Bichitra 20 March 1990).

Badruddin Ahmed informs that on the night of 25 March, Tajuddin was with Mujib in his place till 10.00pm. He repeatedly requested Mujib to leave his house along with other AL leaders. But Mujib refused to leave his house. After failing to convince Mujib to go with them, Tajuddin then requested Mujib to read from a piece of paper, which contained declaration of independence. Tajuddin said to Mujib, "You read this and I will tape it. Whether I go to India or else, I can tell that our leader has declared the independence of Bangladesh. He is the elected representative of the whole of Pakistan." Mujib said, "There was no need for this. Moni, Sirajul Alam had been to Calcutta; they had talks with Chittaranjan Sutar. He will arrange everything for you." Tajuddin was shocked to learn that Mujib had made no contact with India. (My translation from Bengali).

Dr Kamal Hossain said that hours before the Pakistani crack down on 25 March Mujib eagerly asked him whether the next day (26 March 1971) there was any programme for his meeting with Yahya-Bhutto. (Dr Kamal Hossain's article The Daily News 26 March 1987).

Even at that time Mujib had no plans for planning and organising the liberation war. One would wonder, if Mujib were seriously contemplating the independence of the country would he not even discuss it with his close confidants? Especially when he could see that the dialogue with Yahya had failed to yield any results?

About the thought of Sheikh Mujib on the afternoon of March 25 Rehman Sobhan said (2002), "Bangabandhu told us that the army had decided to go for a crackdown. He went on to say, I quote from memory, Yahya thinks that he can crush the movement by killing me. But he is mistaken. An independent Bangladesh will be built on my grave. Bangabandhu appeared to have a rather fatalistic attitude to what he seemed to accept as his imminent death. He suggested that a new generation would carry on the liberation struggle. (Quoted by Badruddin Umar in "Declaration of Independence")

It appears from Rehman Sobhan's account that Mujib was like a defeated man at the end of 25 March, was he then in any fit state to give directions about liberation war?

Mujib's wife Fazilatunnesa Mujib gave an interview with Dainik Bangla about the events of March 25, what her husband was doing and how was he taken in by the Pakistani soldiers. This was published on 26 March 1972, barely a year after the historic day. Surprisingly she said nothing about Mujib's preparation for independence or anything to that effect happening in that fateful night. She said Mujib asked the journalists to leave at about 8:30 pm. He later asked his party activists to leave after that. Some one from Kalabagan came around 10.00 pm and was begging Mujib to go away. But he did not leave. He kept on walking restlessly inside the house.

The fact that Mujib's wife made no mention of Mujib's activities regarding the declaration of independence that night also seriously undermines the subsequent claim of proclamation of independence by Mujib at the early hours of 26th March 1971.

On 25 March 1971, when Mujib was already aware of the imminent military crackdown, he called for a nationwide strike on the 27th March in protest of army's highhandedness in Rangpur, Sayedpur and Joydevpur. This again shows that Mujib was not thinking of independence at that time. It was printed in Pakistan Times on 26 March 1971, "Sheikh Mujibur Rahman yesterday gave a call for general strike throughout East Pakistan (Bangladesh) on March 27 as a mark of protest against the army firing upon the civilian population in Sayedpur, Rangpur and Jopydevpur."

Again what a great self-contradiction!!! On 7 March Mujib warned Pakistani authorities if a single bullet were fired there would be resistance in every home. But when the Pakistani Army opened fire, Mujib responded not with a call for resistance – to fight back the enemy, but only with a call for strike.

Mujib even that day issued a statement condemning the military action taken at a time when the President Yahya himself was in Dhaka. He requested the President to stop this military action. This statement was transmitted during the evening news bulletin of Dhaka Radio and Television of 25 March 1971. The extract of this statement has been published in Rafiqul Islam's Bangladesher Swadhinata Sangram (Bangladesh's Freedom Struggle).

So Mujib's response to Yahya's Army's firing on civilians was a polite 'request' to stop the military action.

Mujib's failure to alert his people about the impending military onslaught when he had means to do it tarnished his image as a leader who cared for his people. Mujib was the de facto administrator of East Pakistan on 25 March with Radio, TV and press at his disposal and no plausible explanation had ever been offered why he not made use of them to warn the people. He may even be labelled as partially responsible for the atrocities committed on that night by virtue of his failure to take action, in other words, he was guilty due to his omission.

Mujib's unexplained behaviour in March 1971 has led some critics to argue that the crackdown took place with his tacit approval; he was quickly losing control over his own followers and that it was not then possible for him to accept the post of Prime Minister of Pakistan. The only way forward both for Mujib and the Pakistani authorities was to silence the liberation aspirants and then to transfer power to Mujib latter at an opportune moment.

What Mujib himself had to say? On 18 January 1972 (8 days after his arrival from Pakistani captivity) Mujib gave an interview to well-known TV journalist David Frost. This interview bears testimony of Mujib's self-contradiction and shows that his words and deeds did not match. Frost asked Mujib why he decided to stay and be arrested. (Quotations below are actually Mujib's words as they appeared in the transcript of interview).

"Sheikh Mujibur: You see, there is a most interesting story on this point. That evening, my house was surrounded by commandos and they wanted to kill me if I came out of the house, giving the names of my own people and saying that Mujib Rahman has been killed by the extremists of Bangla Desh. Then they decided to take action by telling the world that we are negotiation with Mujibur Rahman but the extremists killed Mujibur Rahman and that Yahya Khan has no alternative but to take action against that. That was their first idea. I know they are brutes, uncivilized. They will kill my whole people. They will make a massacre. I thought it is better I die and at least save my people who love me so much.

Frost: You could have gone to Calcutta perhaps.

Sheikh Mujibur: I could have gone to any place if I was ready to go, but how I can leave my people? I am leader of the nation. I can fight and die, but I asked my people to resist."

Readers will notice that Mujib admitted that he was aware that the Pakistani army would commit a massacre, but what did he do to prevent that? He had the whole day of 25 March to warn his people and to build up a resistance. If the people knew there would be a crack down they could have moved to a safer place and fight the Pakistanis. Mujib only alerted his party lieutenants, the safety of ordinary people did not feature in his plan. Mujib said that he was not ready to go anywhere else, as he could not leave his people. What an untrue statement? He was preparing to surrender to the Pakistanis - does it not mean that he was planning to abandon his people and to leave them to fight their own struggle? Again he never offered to fight, as he was ready to give in before the first stroke. He asked his close associates to go to the ground, and that was it - he never asked them to fight the Pakistanis.

If he had any plans about fighting the war of independence he must have discussed it with his colleagues and comrades. Tajuddin was with him till 10.00 pm on the night of 25 March, he said nothing about liberation war to Tajuddin. He was even enquiring with Kamal Hossain at 10:30 pm about meeting with Yahya next day. Further, by his own admission, Mujib's house was surrounded by commandos, so even if he had wanted to do something or communicate with outside world, one would wonder how could he have done it?

"Frost: As you left your home at 32, Dhanmandi, did you think you would ever see it again?

Sheikh Mujibur: I didn't, I thought this was the last, but if I die as a leader with my head up, at least they will not be ashamed; but if I surrender to them, my nation, the people of my country cannot show their to the world. It is better that I die keeping the prestige of my people."

But is that not what he exactly did? Did he not surrender to the Pakistanis? So according to Mujib's own logic, by surrendering to Pakistanis he had brought shame to his own nation.

Mujib also accepted that he did not declare and call for independence on 7 March 1971.

"Frost: Do you wish that on March 7th at the race course you had declared the independent state of Bangla Desh then?

Sheikh Mujibur: I knew what was to come and I declared in that meeting that this time the fight was for liberation, emancipation and freedom.

Frost: If you had to say, "I, today declare the independent state of Bangla Desh", what would have happened?

Sheikh Mujibur: I didn't want to do it that day particularly because I didn't want to allow them then to tell the world that Mujibur Rahman has declared independence and we have no alternative but to hit back. I wanted them to hit us first and my people were ready to resist it.

Frost: But you did not want to start it?

Sheikh Mujibur: No, I wanted them to start it."

It is very hard to accept that this was Mujib's strategy, that is, he was preparing his people for a showdown and was waiting for the Pakistanis to fire the first shot. In reality, Mujib did nothing to prepare the people to fight the Pakistanis apart from uttering some rhetoric. People, whose lives were cut short by Pakistani Military's brutality on the night of 25-26 March 1971, gave their lives unprepared. Also if Mujib wanted the Pakistanis to strike first to secure a pretext for declaring independence surely he would have provoked them to do so.

However, what has been noted is his whole-hearted co-operation with the Pakistani authorities especially during the March dialogues with the Pakistani leadership. Far from being an agent of provocation, he became an accommodator and a proactive leader taking initiative to sort out the problems of Bangladesh within the framework of Pakistan. As the evidence shows, till 10:30 pm of 25 March 1971, Mujib was not contemplating anything other than a negotiated settlement without jeopardising the unity and territorial integrity of Pakistan. Whether his mind changed after 10:30 pm that night, is anybody's guess. However, looking at the available circumstantial evidence objectively, on a scale of balance of probability, such change of heart was extremely unlikely.

The fact that even after the liberation of Bangladesh Mujib wanted to maintain a confederation type relationship with Pakistan (see my article of 3 April) shows that he did not actually change his position.

While speaking to the Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci in 1972 Bhutto said that after assuming power from Yahya when he met with Mujib prior to releasing him Mujib swore on Quran to maintain a link (confederation?) with Pakistan. Late Humayun Rashid Chowdhury (former foreign minister and speaker) in an interview on 27 December 1989 with Masudul Haque said that he had asked Mujib about this promise given to Bhutto, but Mujib denied it. However, in 1976 when Humayun Rashid met Bhutto in Jeddah and reminded him about his interview with Fallaci and Mujib's denial, Bhutto repeatedly asserted that Mujib did make such a promise and that he was not lying.

Quoting G W Chowdhury Masudul Haque (cited above) informs that towards the end of December 1971, Mujib was moved from the Layalpur Jail to the BFLA building in Pindi. Here the new Pakistani President Bhutto met Mujib twice. During these meetings Mujib agreed to maintain a link with Pakistan. He even told Bhutto that he stayed in his house and did not flee. And he did this to save Pakistan. Bhutto-Mujib conversations were allegedly tape recorded. It would be great for Bangladeshi historians if they could secure transcripts of these tapes.

When Mujib was finally released, Bhutto came to the airport to bid farewell to Mujib. The two hugged and kissed and Mujib was in tears.

Air Martial Zafar A Chaudhry of Pakistan (Chief of Air Staff March 72- April 74) escorted Mujib, Kamal Hossain and his wife and children to London. Chaudhry gave a detailed account of Mujib's farewell journey from Pakistan to London in his book Mosaic of Memory. Even during this journey Mujib showed his commitment towards maintaining a political union with Pakistan. Mujib said that he would find out means to remain together with Pakistan. He was very complementary of Bhutto. He said that Bhutto was a good man and that he had saved his (Mujib) life twice. It is worth noting here that Bhutto while talking to Oriana Fallaci also mentioned that he saved Mujib's life once before.

According to Chaudhry, Mujib showed his displeasure that the Indians were then in Bangladesh. He said that once he would return to Bangladesh his first task would be to get the Indians out of the country. If the army (Pakistani?) could have kept even one district in Bangladesh under control, Mujib said, he would have mobilised people to break up the Indian's line of resistance and drive them out of the country. If Zafar Chaudhry's account is correct then this should come as a shock to pro-Indian Mujib followers – as it appears, Mujib was not an India-lover.

The evidence mentioned in this article and in my earlier article strongly suggests that Mujib till the very last day remained committed to the unity of Pakistan.

Whatever he had in his mind, as the fate dictated, on 25th March 1971 when the Pakistani onslaught began Mujib, unknown to him, stood in a unique win-win-win situation. If the people could liberate Bangladesh he would be their father of the nation; if the Pakistani Army could crush the Bengalis aspiration for independence, he would become the Prime Minister of united Pakistan; if he would be killed he would become the most loved and respected martyr of Bengali nation.



Tuhin Reza from London
London
UK
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Re: [mukto-mona] Re: Father of the Nation Controversy: No Controversy at all



  1. "Sheikh Mujib was the first Bangladeshi ruler in thousands of years of our history. He brought our own national identity as Bangladeshis for the first time."  A disinformation.  Since long before the formation of Bangladesh, historians like R. C. Majumder tell us that Raja Ganesh was the first independent Bangladeshi ruler.  What about the Pal dynasty?  Were they not of Bengal origin too?
  2. A nation is too great a thing to need a father.  Usually she is conceived long before her 'father'.  The term "Father of the Nation"  is usually a misnomer.  It was first introduced by Subhas Bose, who tried to appease Gandhi with such eulogy, when he was being forced out of Congress presidency in spite of being elected to it.


On Thu, Aug 16, 2012 at 7:56 PM, Nurul Aman <nislam2@gmail.com> wrote:
 
[Attachment(s) from Nurul Aman included below]

As a proud nation, we all must pay our due respect and thoughts of sadness and prayer on the day of the 37th anniversary of the tragic and brutal assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his immediately family members (be peace upon them). Regardless of our political affiliations or ideological differences, we must remember them with our deep sense of solemn gratitude and gratefulness on this day of August 15th. On this national mourning day, this is not appropriate to making a headline such as "Father of the Nation Controversy" caption originated in this email by someone. There are several reasons why we Bangladeshis must be decent and grateful to pay our due respect and honor for the families of Sheikh Mujib for generations to come. Here are a few reasons I like to mention:

 

  1. Sheikh Mujib was the first Bangladeshi ruler in thousands of years of our history. He brought our own national identity as Bangladeshis for the first time.

 

  1. It is not important who have had announced Sheikh Mujib the Father of the New Nation, including the then Prime Minister of India on Nov 6th, 1971 during her recognition speech for Bangladesh in the Indian Parliament. It is the legacy of Sheikh Mujib's relentless fight against Pakistan's 25 years rule of colonialism and brutal atrocities that earned him the sole founder and creator of Bangladesh. Of course, thanks to the great military and diplomatic support of India and the then USSR in supporting our cause in the UN Security Council, which was crucial.

 

  1. Sheikh Mujib and Bangladesh are inseparable words because without Sheikh Mujib's uncompromising struggle against Pakistani Military and undemocratic civilian rulers, Bangladesh would never be able to see the lights of independence and thus our own national identity on the world map. His strong sense of patriotism and sincere love for the oppressed citizens of the then E. Pakistan had tremendously energized young men and women in 1971, especially his historic March 7th speech. The atrocities and genocide started by Pakistan Military on March 25th was the breaking point of the prolonged struggle led by Sheik Mujib, Tajuddin and so many of his fellow Patriotic leaders of AL.

 

  1. Without the civil war drawn to us by Pakistan military on March 25th, India would never take that moment of opportunity to liberate Bangladesh from the brutality of Pakistani rulers. If India did not take the initiatives by making its alliance with the then USSR, the citizens of Bangladesh would still be under colonial rule of Pakistan with more miseries and atrocities collaborated by the Razakars in the then E. Pakistan. In this context, the struggle of the people of Palestine for over 60 years without any support from the Super power is a good example of that. We Bangladeshis would suffer much more dangerously than the sufferings of Palestinians with no point of return.

 

  1. Now after 41 years since our independence and 37 years after the tragic death of Sheik Mujibur Rahman, we are still a proud nation with hard working labor force in a country of 158 million living in a very small land size, the most densely populated country in the world. Despite our very limited resources, the experts in economics and social science in the western world were stunned by the economic miracle of success of continuous economic growth rate of over 5% per year for several years, no famine since 1973, no starvation, and no kids without clothing to wear.

 

  1. In addition, young Bangladeshis are competing with neighboring Indian youth in acquiring cutting edge knowledge in engineering, medical science, computer science, business and economics, other social science and Math. Their excellent academic achievements helped building new enterprises in Bangladesh, including the greatest NGOs such as the Grameen Bank of Dr. Yunus, the BRAC of Fazle Abed, and other great pioneers. The ingenuity of the educated youth of Bangladesh and their technological nuance helped massive migration of Bangladeshis to the industrialized world and the Middle East to becoming a part of the most advanced technological work force in the world, including in the USA. The billions of remittances from these productive work force has kept Bangladesh moving forward with economic progress, women's freedom to work, educate themselves and raising their families. It is worth mentioning here that thousands of Bangladeshi youth have been studying in the top colleges across the Globe, including in US, and holding great professional careers and leadership everywhere.

 

  1. Over 41 years of our independence, we also see sharp differences between today's Pakistan and Bangladesh in terms of economic and social, and political progress. Pakistan has turned out to be a failed state with economic and political chaos and the decline of social stability. Without the US loyalty aid of $3 billion/yr, that country would have become another Somalia. On the other hand, Bangladesh has earned political stability of democratic process with sustained economic growth, significant progress in education, technology, communication, women's empowerment and war on poverty and population growth.

 

Having mentioned above only a few of the great things we take pride for, Bangladesh couldn't be prouder nation on the face of the earth in the 21st century. All of these great things came along because of our independence in 1971. Our pride and glory as Bangladeshis and our relentless competition with neighboring India in terms of technological knowledge and intellectual development for the new generation have certainly gained tremendous respect and appreciation by the industrialized world of the western hemisphere. Therefore, with great sense of patriotism and national pride, my kudos to the family of late Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his immediate family members who had to die with him! I give my sincere salute to him for his great sacrifice to giving us our own identity as a nation of our own, to rule and to govern by our own people. I care less whether it is good or bad. I care more because it is our own pride and our own identity. With the same token, we must pay our due respect to the surviving family members of Sheik Mujibur Rahman, the undisputed Father of the Nation. That is called true patriotism.

 

That being said, it is not appropriate to spread the words of disrespectful and senseless comments with a headline such as "Father of the Nation Controversy" spreading in the email groups in the community. This is also disturbing and sense of disrespect to the independence of Bangladesh, especially to the people who fought and sacrificed their precious lives for the country that would end the atrocities of Pakistan military.

 

In this context above, it is worth mentioning about another disturbing captioned subject as "Indian Razakar….Sheikh Hasina" sent by Shahadat Hussaini dated June 14, 2012. This caption was not only out of the context of Indian's building the dams, but also extremely offensive and insult to the surviving daughter of our Father of the Nation as well as freedom fighters of Bangladesh who gave honorable service to the nation. Here is why it is so offensive and unacceptable caption sent by Shahadat Hussaini:

 

The phrase "Indian Razakar" is not in the vocabulary of Bangladesh and it has never been. Razakar is the established word as the collaborator of Pakistan Army against the war of Independence in 1971. I wonder what in the world Mr. Hussaini has come up with this strange meaningless phrase "Indian Razakar" to personally insult honorable PM Sheikh Hasina. Labeling honorable PM as the "Indian Razakar" is a reflection of senseless effort of Mr. Hussaini to distort the history of Bangladesh and thus deny the evil acts of real Razakars, who committed human crimes against innocent civilians of Bangladesh. In the free world of Internet platform, we all have the liberty and privilege to openly criticize the political leaders, including Sheikh Hasina as a PM of Bangladesh. There is no problem there. But labeling her as the "Indian Razakar"? It was way over the line and simply unacceptable. This type of tone from a Bangladeshi is a wake up call and cautionary notice to take as a sentiment of anti-Bangladesh spirit. I have a message for this anti-Bangladeshi sentiment: Real Razakars have no place on Bangladeshi platform of any kind. Everyone can observe through the masks they are wearing that they are either still delusionally insane and ridiculously obsessed with Pakistan style fanaticism and fascism or could never feel comfortable living in Bangladesh as an independent country maintaining good relationship with India as a realistic foreign policy strategy or both.

 

If Mr. Hussaini is one of those people, he is not welcome to Bangladeshi forum to spread the poisons of evils of Pakistan style propaganda. This uncalled for assault clearly undermines the sanctity and honorable legacy of Bangladesh Independence. As a freedom fighter of Bangladesh, I take this assault personally and seriously. If that is the case for the people like Mr. Hussaini, America or Bangladesh may not be the right places for them to live. Pakistan or Saudi Arabaia might be better alternatives for them to migrate. The problem is, however, unlike America or Bangladesh, those countries won't be so generous and fair to welcome and treat them with due respect and equality. That is the reality.

 

At the end, I have news for reality check. Because of AL Government in Bangladesh, women in Bangladesh have the privilege of enjoying the freedom to choose their jobs, education, mobility, choose their partners, career, and raise their kids the way they see the best. Because of AL government, the Pakistani style fanatics such as Jamat Party and their few supporters within BNP are hesitant to spread ethnic hatred and discriminatory attacks on minorities and oppress women's freedom. Because of the legacy of Sheikh Mujib's equal opportunity for all men, women of all ethnicities, AL Government still carries that ideology for everyone. Any other alternative Admin than AL political structure today will try to transform Bangladesh into another Pakistan of 2012. That is the last thing the young Bangladeshis would like to see. The good news is the fanatic evils of Pakistan culture will never be able to emerge to take over Bangladesh. That is not going to happen. Obsessive and senseless animosity with India is not a realistic foreign policy strategy because that is the only neighbor surrounding Bangladesh as the rising powerful country economically, militarily, intellectually, politically, and technologically. We must compete with India by mutual respect, dignity, sovereignty while maintaining cooperation on all key economic affairs including the dams and bridges. Our competition with India must focus on bringing equal justice for all, excel in math, science, business, engineering, medical science, social science and economics, computer science and internet infrastructure. That is the best path we are taking. That is the future of sustainable society for peace and prosperity.

 

Thanks so much for your time for reading my take on this day of Aug 15/16.

 

Sincerely, Nurul Aman


On Wed, Aug 15, 2012 at 5:56 PM, Shahadat Hussaini <shahadathussaini@hotmail.com> wrote:
 

 

 – My Comments

 
Thursday May 25 2006 17:51:07 PM BDT

 
By Tuhin Reza, UK

 
Re: Abid Bahar's article –Father of the Nation, April 2006

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the father of a nation that he did not want to come into existence. One may wonder whether he should be regarded as the reluctant or accidental father who did not even want the baby to be born; who attempted to abort the foetus but by a miracle, it came to see life.

Following my recent write up (3 April 2006) in the NFB I have found further information which actually lends support to the position taken in that article that Mujib and the Awami League leadership in 1971 did not want an independent Bangladesh at least not up to 25 March 1971. I am not going to repeat the facts mentioned in my earlier write up in this article.

One respected writer in the NFB said earlier that this was a meaningless debate by BNP-Jamat gang. It is the view of this writer that the issue here has nothing to do with party political affiliations; incidents of pre-25 March'71 are part of Bangladesh's history and it should be presented properly. Bangladesh made supreme sacrifices in 1971 to earn her independence; no other nation on earth has given so many lives at the altar of freedom. It is not then desirable that the history of such a glorious war of independence should be based on some blatant lies. Bangladesh is a matured nation and she must be able to face her past history without hesitation.

The fact that Mujib or AL did not demand independence of Bangladesh before 25 March was also noted by Indira Ghandi. On 6 November 1971 she delivered a speech at Columbia University and stated that the people of East Bengal only demanded independence after the arrest of Mujib and not before that. After the arrest of Mujib and the massacre that followed they realised that they could not live together with Pakistan. (See Govt. of India Bangladesh Documents Vol.2).

In my article of 3 April I argued that up to 25 March 1971 Mujib did nothing to challenge the sovereignty or territorial integrity of Pakistan rather remained faithful to her cause. If one studies Mujib's political life one will find that it was always dominated by self-contradictions. Saying one thing in Paltan or Ramna Race Course and doing something different behind closed door was Mujib's speciality. He also excelled himself in giving promises and not keeping them later.

On the eve of 7 March 1971 an urgent meeting of AL high command took place in which, Mujib stated that the East Pakistan would not get anything from secession except bloodshed and torture and that the mandate that AL received was not for independence but for autonomy. (See David Loshak Pakistan Crisis 1971). One would wonder if this were Mujib's thinking the day before the historic 7 March, how he could then give a call for independence at Ramna Race Course on the day?

Following the speech of 7 March 71, that evening AL working committee had a meeting. After the conclusion of the meeting Mujib issued a statement to the journalists in which, he reiterated his four demands, made during his speech. There was no mention of independence in that statement. Mujib blamed a coterie representing the interests of a minority group of West Pakistan for the problems in the East and West. He said that this group was destroying democracy and depriving the People of Bangladesh of their fundamental rights in the same way they were bringing sufferings to the people of West Pakistan.

However, Mujib warned that the vigilant people of Bangladesh and the persecuted population of the West Pakistan would by all means foil the hated conspiracy of this coterie. One should notice here that Mujib was trying to portray himself as a leader not only of Bangladesh but also of the entire underprivileged class of Pakistan – East and West.

Mujib was put on trial by the Pakistani authorities for treason, waging war and declaring independence from Pakistan in August 1971. A team of West Pakistani lawyers including the well-known A K Brohi was employed to assist Mujib in his defence. Also some Bengalis abroad approached a Western Law firm to prepare for Mujib's defence. Later in December 1971 the trial was called off on the face of international pressure. One would wonder what defence Mujib and his defence team was preparing. Was he going to accept that by declaring the independence of Bangladesh he had challenged the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Pakistan and waged a war against the state of Pakistan or was he going to say that he did nothing to cause the secession but always remained loyal to Pakistan? Or was he saying that as the legitimate leader of Bangladesh he had the right to call for independence?

Bhutto in his interview with Oriana Fallaci in 1972 stated that Mujib's lawyer Brohi had informed that it would be very difficult to prove the charges against him since Mujib was not against the unity of Pakistan. He was also loyal to Yahya. What does it mean? Does it not imply that Mujib did nothing that could be construed as compromising the territorial integrity of Pakistan?

On the 7th day of his trial, Mujib told his lawyer that the Pakistani authorities had no right to try him since he was the elected Prime Minister of Pakistan. (See Ahmad Salim Blood Beaten Track: Sheikh Mujib's Nine Months in Pakistan Prison).

Mujib's dream to become Pakistan's Premier was not a new one and as he believed it was a real and achievable dream. There were reasons for him to believe that his prospects of becoming the Pak premier were real. Moudud Ahmed informs in his Bangladesh: A Constitutional Quest for Autonomy that during the dying days of Ayub Khan's rule when Mujib, following his acquittal from the Agartala Conspiracy case, took part in a Round Table Conference in West Pakistan aimed at resolving the political stalemate, a secret proposal was made to Mujib to make him the Prime Minister of Pakistan and to allow Ayub to continue as President. Moudud Ahmed was allegedly very close to Mujib those days and was also in West Pakistan with Mujib. However, smelling the popular sentiment against any such move in the East, Mujib refused to accept this proposal.

Yayha Khan repeatedly referred Mujib in public as future Prime Minister of Pakistan. On 6 March 1971, Yahya spoke to Mujib over the phone (it was a telephone without a number) and requested him not to call for independence the next day and thus to stop all roads for negotiation. He said he was coming to Dhaka to discuss the issues with Mujib. He assured, "Shiekh Shahab, aap Pakistanka Ujir-e-Azam honge." (You will be the Prime Minister of Pakistan). This fact has been narrated by Masudul Haque in his 'Killings of Bengalis and the Break up of Pakistan' (Bangali Hatya abong Pakistaner Bhangan 1997). Masudul Haque received this information from Golam Wahed Chowdhury, the Bengali Minister of Yahya's cabinet. It should be mentioned that G W Chowdhury also wrote a book about the 1971 affairs titled as The Last Days of United Pakistan. Chowdhury informs that he had heard the tape of Mujib-Yahya's telephonic conversation.

On the same day (6 March 1971) Yahya sent a message to Mujib through teleprinter, in which he requested Mujib not to take any decision in haste. He assured Mujib that he was soon coming to Dhaka and that he would have a proposal, which would make Mujib even happier than his 6-points. (See Masudul Haque above).

Rao Farman Ali Khan also in his book How Pakistan Got Divided mentions about the message of Yahya delivered to Mujib on 6 March urging him not to take any decision and that he would come to Dhaka with a better offer. This message was delivered to Mujib by Brigadier (later Lt. Gen) Jilani.

During the Yahya-Mujib dialogue on 19 March 1971 Mujib accepted a proposal to lead a coalition government at the centre of Pakistan. He was to be the Prime Minister and there would be eleven members in his cabinet (six from East and five from West); six from Awami League, three from Bhutto's People's Party and two from Wali Khan's NAP. This happened at a time when Mujib had allegedly called for independence (7 March) and been working towards the establishment of an independent Bangladesh.

This obsession to become the Prime Minister of Pakistan virtually rendered Mujib ineffective and he could not plan for anything regarding the independence of the country. Yahya, by holding this offer of Prime Ministership as a carrot, actually got Mujib to lead a directionless movement and thus to allow himself sufficient time to plan and execute a military crackdown.

Mujib was warned by his lieutenants about the motive of the Pakistanis. He was made aware that they were bringing in more troops and arms and ammunitions; however, he did nothing except using his rhetoric, which he mastered very well.

Tajuddin Ahamed's biographer Badruddin Ahmed who claims to have based his writing mainly on his discussion with Tajuddin informs in his 'Tajuddin: The Great Hero of Liberation War' (Muktijuddhar Mahanayek: Tajuddin Ahamed 2004) that Tajuddin warned Mujib about the military build up and requested him to do something about it. Tajuddin told Badruddin that on 5 March 1971 he warned Mujib about the Pakistani Army's reinforcement. Tajuddin said that something must be done to stop this mobilisation. He also advised Mujib that with the Bengali troops and EPR stationed in Bangladesh it was then possible to defeat the Pakistani Army in Bangladesh. Mujib must do something to stop this army movement. However, Mujib paid no heed to Tajuddin. Tajuddin said (as quoted by Badruddin Ahmed), "Mujib Bhai said, "You do not have to worry about this. I have made all arrangements." At that time a bunch of student leaders came and surrounded Mujib and Mujib went upstairs with them." (My translation from Bengali). The terrifying truth is that Mujib made no arrangements whatsoever.

Badruddin Ahmed in his book also mentions an incident, which will throw some light on what Mujib was thinking about Bangladesh's independence in March 1971. On 17 March 1971 Mujib went to meet Yahya with new Bangladeshi flag embroidered with the map of Bangladesh displayed in his car.

Yayha was very angry. He said, "How is it? President of Pakistan is in Dhaka and how you dare see him hoisting so called Bangladeshi flag in your car?" Mujib felt embarrassed. He said, "Haam keya kar sakta, student lok eay flag jabardasti laga diya." (What can I do, the students forcibly fixed it). Yahya responded, "Aap kaiysa leader hai? Student lokko control kar nehi sakta?" (What sort of leader you are that you cannot control the students?). Mujib's excuse here showed the Pakistanis that he was not in favour of independence but it was the students who were causing the trouble.

From January to March 71, Mujib was playing the same trick. He was telling the Pakistanis that he personally did not want to break away from Pakistan, but there was pressure on him from a section of people to call for independence. The only way to solve this problem was to handover power to him. Apparently on 6 March 1971, Mujib requested Major General Khadim Raja the GOC of the Pakistan Army in Bangladesh to arrest him and thus saving him from calling for independence the next day.

Some faithful Mujib supporters argue that Mujib was proceeding step by step. He did not want to go straight for independence first, but gradually in due course he would have moved for it since it was always his dream. If this is correct, then Mujib must have been bluffing the Pakistanis; he was outwardly working towards a workable power sharing arrangements within the framework of Pakistan and showing allegiance to her, but his true intention was separation from Pakistan. This then makes Mujib a bluffer – a dishonest politician who says one thing in public and sets an official goal to that effect, but actually works for a very different end. If Mujib were a bluffer then question arises who were he actually bluffing – the Pakistani authorities or the people of Bangladesh?

What was the obstruction to Mujib's ascension to the Pakistani premiership? Evidence shows that whatever might have been the personal feelings of Yahya towards Mujib, he apparently was quite willing to make Mujib the Prime Minister. However, Bhutto and top brass of Pakistani military were against this. Apart from them, the greatest obstacle that Mujib faced was from the younger folks of his own political support group – student leaders. Also there was then call from many social and political organisations for full independence (See my article of 3 April 2006). Even if Yahya had offered to make him the Prime Minister on 25 March Mujib knew well that it would not have gone down well with many people in Bangladesh.

On 22 March 1971, a group of students' leaders met Mujib at his residence; one of them told him, "Mujib Bhai, Bengalis do not want that you become the Prime Minister of Pakistan. If you become the Prime Minister then it will be a betrayal to those youths who have given blood. The Bengali nation will call you a traitor and we will not be able to tolerate that … let me make it clear, you will not be the Prime Minister of Pakistan." (My translation from Bengali) (See Nitish Halder and A S M Abdur Rab Rajpath Theke Sangsad (From Street to Parliament).

The dialogues with Yahya, in fact, collapsed on the 23rd March but it somehow dragged on to the next day. According to Kamal Hossain, "When the Awami League team was leaving for the evening session on March 24, Sheikh Mujib indicated that for the name of the state, we should propose 'confederation of Pakistan'. He indicated that we should explain that this was necessary to meet the sentiments of the people. This proposal in part reflected the intensity of the popular sentiment for independence, here particularly as this was articulated by the young militants who were in the vanguard of the mass movement which was surging ahead.

The government side rejected this proposal as a fundamental change in the Awami League stand, while the Awami League side argued that a change in the name did not amount to a fundamental change when all the substantive provisions remained intact, so that a limited but viable federal government had been adequately provided for." (Badruddin Umar "The emergence of Bangladesh").

One cannot help wondering about the deceit implicit in Mujib's instructions. He wanted to rename the country as a confederation to satisfy the independence aspiration of Bengalis, but in fact it would remain a federation. There is a big difference between a confederation and a federation; while the former is a union between independent States the latter is a power sharing arrangement between the central and provincial governments within one State.

It should be noted that the Pakistani authorities proposed the 'Union of Pakistan' instead of 'confederation'.

However, the AL leadership was hopeful that despite some hiccups, some sort of solution would emerge from the dialogues. Indira Ghandi in her speech to Columbia University (cited above) mentioned that only a week before that day, someone (from AL source) told her that they (AL) had thought even on the 24 March that although the dialogues were not absolutely satisfactory they would be able to come to a negotiated settlement.

After the formation of the provisional government on 17 March 1971 at Mujibnagar, Tajuddin Ahmed in his speech stated that at no point AL's dialogue with Yahya had broken down. He also gave a summary of what was agreed between the parties, namely, (1) transfer of power to civilian government by a presidential proclamation; (2) transfer of power to majority parties at provincial level; (3) Yahya should remain as the President and would control the central government; (4) separate sittings of the elected members of East and West Pakistan to prepare for the formulation of constitution.

However, there were a number of issues on which the parties agreed which were not mentioned by Tajuddin in his speech. The most notable of them was that a central cabinet will be formed from the elected representatives of East and West Pakistan. It was in this context the agreement was that Mujib would lead a cabinet of 11 ministers at the centre.

It is common knowledge that Mujib asked his close associates to go into hiding on the 25th of March, as there would be a crackdown. What a great self -contradiction!!! On the 7th he was roaring like a lion that if a single bullet were fired, there would be resistance in every household. When the real crack down came Mujib simply asked his associates to flee and not to resist. There was no suggestion that he asked them to go to ground and organise a fight. He himself chose to surrender despite very strong appeal from his party enthusiasts not to do so. Mujib's decision to give himself up to the Pakistani authorities caused great embarrassment for the Mujibnagar Government.

M A Mohaimen in his Dhaka Agartala Mujibnagar writes, "Sometime in the middle of May I went again to that house in Baliganj circular Road. I learnt that Tajuddin Sahib and his ministers had returned from Delhi the day before. I first went to Khandokher Mustaq's room. He was sitting alone quietly with a reserved face. When I asked about the outcome of their Delhi visit, he burst into anger. He said, how do you expect that we will be able to secure recognition from Indira Ghandi? When Indira Ghandi asked us to explain our war strategy – after starting the fight your commander in chief surrendered and asked you to carry on fighting, what sort of war tactic is this? We could not give any answers." (My translation from Bengali).

It should be noted that Mohaimen had been associated with AL since 1949 and was elected an MCA with AL ticket in the 1970 election. Mohaimen himself could never have come into terms with Mujib's surrender on 25 March 71. He observed, "I can never reconcile the surrender of Sheikh Sahib that night with my mental logic. Whoever says what, my personal belief is that he (Mujib) could have never conceived that the Awami Leaders led by Tajuddin would cross into India, organise freedom fight with India's assistance and free the country like this. He thought that the Pakistani Army would bring the situation under control within few days. Some leaders and semi-leaders will be killed. After killing 10-20 thousands workers they may stop the movement for the time being but will not be able to do it forever. The way people freed him from prison following the Agartala case, in the same way after 2-3 years due to severe agitation the Pakistani government would be compelled to free him and to give him power." (My translation from Bengali).

What was Mujib's mood on the 25 March 71?

A S M Abdur Rab says that at about 4.00 pm on 25 March 1971 he received an anonymous phone call from cantonment warning him that the crackdown would commence at 12 midnight. Then in the evening, at about 6.00 pm, he along with Sirajul Alam Khan, Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni, Abdur Razzak, Tofail Ahmed and some other student leaders went to Mujib's place. They put forward a plan to take Mujib to Chittagong. Mujib did not agree, he said, "You go, don't worry about me." (See A S M Abdur Rab Weekly Bichitra 20 March 1990).

Badruddin Ahmed informs that on the night of 25 March, Tajuddin was with Mujib in his place till 10.00pm. He repeatedly requested Mujib to leave his house along with other AL leaders. But Mujib refused to leave his house. After failing to convince Mujib to go with them, Tajuddin then requested Mujib to read from a piece of paper, which contained declaration of independence. Tajuddin said to Mujib, "You read this and I will tape it. Whether I go to India or else, I can tell that our leader has declared the independence of Bangladesh. He is the elected representative of the whole of Pakistan." Mujib said, "There was no need for this. Moni, Sirajul Alam had been to Calcutta; they had talks with Chittaranjan Sutar. He will arrange everything for you." Tajuddin was shocked to learn that Mujib had made no contact with India. (My translation from Bengali).

Dr Kamal Hossain said that hours before the Pakistani crack down on 25 March Mujib eagerly asked him whether the next day (26 March 1971) there was any programme for his meeting with Yahya-Bhutto. (Dr Kamal Hossain's article The Daily News 26 March 1987).

Even at that time Mujib had no plans for planning and organising the liberation war. One would wonder, if Mujib were seriously contemplating the independence of the country would he not even discuss it with his close confidants? Especially when he could see that the dialogue with Yahya had failed to yield any results?

About the thought of Sheikh Mujib on the afternoon of March 25 Rehman Sobhan said (2002), "Bangabandhu told us that the army had decided to go for a crackdown. He went on to say, I quote from memory, Yahya thinks that he can crush the movement by killing me. But he is mistaken. An independent Bangladesh will be built on my grave. Bangabandhu appeared to have a rather fatalistic attitude to what he seemed to accept as his imminent death. He suggested that a new generation would carry on the liberation struggle. (Quoted by Badruddin Umar in "Declaration of Independence")

It appears from Rehman Sobhan's account that Mujib was like a defeated man at the end of 25 March, was he then in any fit state to give directions about liberation war?

Mujib's wife Fazilatunnesa Mujib gave an interview with Dainik Bangla about the events of March 25, what her husband was doing and how was he taken in by the Pakistani soldiers. This was published on 26 March 1972, barely a year after the historic day. Surprisingly she said nothing about Mujib's preparation for independence or anything to that effect happening in that fateful night. She said Mujib asked the journalists to leave at about 8:30 pm. He later asked his party activists to leave after that. Some one from Kalabagan came around 10.00 pm and was begging Mujib to go away. But he did not leave. He kept on walking restlessly inside the house.

The fact that Mujib's wife made no mention of Mujib's activities regarding the declaration of independence that night also seriously undermines the subsequent claim of proclamation of independence by Mujib at the early hours of 26th March 1971.

On 25 March 1971, when Mujib was already aware of the imminent military crackdown, he called for a nationwide strike on the 27th March in protest of army's highhandedness in Rangpur, Sayedpur and Joydevpur. This again shows that Mujib was not thinking of independence at that time. It was printed in Pakistan Times on 26 March 1971, "Sheikh Mujibur Rahman yesterday gave a call for general strike throughout East Pakistan (Bangladesh) on March 27 as a mark of protest against the army firing upon the civilian population in Sayedpur, Rangpur and Jopydevpur."

Again what a great self-contradiction!!! On 7 March Mujib warned Pakistani authorities if a single bullet were fired there would be resistance in every home. But when the Pakistani Army opened fire, Mujib responded not with a call for resistance – to fight back the enemy, but only with a call for strike.

Mujib even that day issued a statement condemning the military action taken at a time when the President Yahya himself was in Dhaka. He requested the President to stop this military action. This statement was transmitted during the evening news bulletin of Dhaka Radio and Television of 25 March 1971. The extract of this statement has been published in Rafiqul Islam's Bangladesher Swadhinata Sangram (Bangladesh's Freedom Struggle).

So Mujib's response to Yahya's Army's firing on civilians was a polite 'request' to stop the military action.

Mujib's failure to alert his people about the impending military onslaught when he had means to do it tarnished his image as a leader who cared for his people. Mujib was the de facto administrator of East Pakistan on 25 March with Radio, TV and press at his disposal and no plausible explanation had ever been offered why he not made use of them to warn the people. He may even be labelled as partially responsible for the atrocities committed on that night by virtue of his failure to take action, in other words, he was guilty due to his omission.

Mujib's unexplained behaviour in March 1971 has led some critics to argue that the crackdown took place with his tacit approval; he was quickly losing control over his own followers and that it was not then possible for him to accept the post of Prime Minister of Pakistan. The only way forward both for Mujib and the Pakistani authorities was to silence the liberation aspirants and then to transfer power to Mujib latter at an opportune moment.

What Mujib himself had to say? On 18 January 1972 (8 days after his arrival from Pakistani captivity) Mujib gave an interview to well-known TV journalist David Frost. This interview bears testimony of Mujib's self-contradiction and shows that his words and deeds did not match. Frost asked Mujib why he decided to stay and be arrested. (Quotations below are actually Mujib's words as they appeared in the transcript of interview).

"Sheikh Mujibur: You see, there is a most interesting story on this point. That evening, my house was surrounded by commandos and they wanted to kill me if I came out of the house, giving the names of my own people and saying that Mujib Rahman has been killed by the extremists of Bangla Desh. Then they decided to take action by telling the world that we are negotiation with Mujibur Rahman but the extremists killed Mujibur Rahman and that Yahya Khan has no alternative but to take action against that. That was their first idea. I know they are brutes, uncivilized. They will kill my whole people. They will make a massacre. I thought it is better I die and at least save my people who love me so much.

Frost: You could have gone to Calcutta perhaps.

Sheikh Mujibur: I could have gone to any place if I was ready to go, but how I can leave my people? I am leader of the nation. I can fight and die, but I asked my people to resist."

Readers will notice that Mujib admitted that he was aware that the Pakistani army would commit a massacre, but what did he do to prevent that? He had the whole day of 25 March to warn his people and to build up a resistance. If the people knew there would be a crack down they could have moved to a safer place and fight the Pakistanis. Mujib only alerted his party lieutenants, the safety of ordinary people did not feature in his plan. Mujib said that he was not ready to go anywhere else, as he could not leave his people. What an untrue statement? He was preparing to surrender to the Pakistanis - does it not mean that he was planning to abandon his people and to leave them to fight their own struggle? Again he never offered to fight, as he was ready to give in before the first stroke. He asked his close associates to go to the ground, and that was it - he never asked them to fight the Pakistanis.

If he had any plans about fighting the war of independence he must have discussed it with his colleagues and comrades. Tajuddin was with him till 10.00 pm on the night of 25 March, he said nothing about liberation war to Tajuddin. He was even enquiring with Kamal Hossain at 10:30 pm about meeting with Yahya next day. Further, by his own admission, Mujib's house was surrounded by commandos, so even if he had wanted to do something or communicate with outside world, one would wonder how could he have done it?

"Frost: As you left your home at 32, Dhanmandi, did you think you would ever see it again?

Sheikh Mujibur: I didn't, I thought this was the last, but if I die as a leader with my head up, at least they will not be ashamed; but if I surrender to them, my nation, the people of my country cannot show their to the world. It is better that I die keeping the prestige of my people."

But is that not what he exactly did? Did he not surrender to the Pakistanis? So according to Mujib's own logic, by surrendering to Pakistanis he had brought shame to his own nation.

Mujib also accepted that he did not declare and call for independence on 7 March 1971.

"Frost: Do you wish that on March 7th at the race course you had declared the independent state of Bangla Desh then?

Sheikh Mujibur: I knew what was to come and I declared in that meeting that this time the fight was for liberation, emancipation and freedom.

Frost: If you had to say, "I, today declare the independent state of Bangla Desh", what would have happened?

Sheikh Mujibur: I didn't want to do it that day particularly because I didn't want to allow them then to tell the world that Mujibur Rahman has declared independence and we have no alternative but to hit back. I wanted them to hit us first and my people were ready to resist it.

Frost: But you did not want to start it?

Sheikh Mujibur: No, I wanted them to start it."

It is very hard to accept that this was Mujib's strategy, that is, he was preparing his people for a showdown and was waiting for the Pakistanis to fire the first shot. In reality, Mujib did nothing to prepare the people to fight the Pakistanis apart from uttering some rhetoric. People, whose lives were cut short by Pakistani Military's brutality on the night of 25-26 March 1971, gave their lives unprepared. Also if Mujib wanted the Pakistanis to strike first to secure a pretext for declaring independence surely he would have provoked them to do so.

However, what has been noted is his whole-hearted co-operation with the Pakistani authorities especially during the March dialogues with the Pakistani leadership. Far from being an agent of provocation, he became an accommodator and a proactive leader taking initiative to sort out the problems of Bangladesh within the framework of Pakistan. As the evidence shows, till 10:30 pm of 25 March 1971, Mujib was not contemplating anything other than a negotiated settlement without jeopardising the unity and territorial integrity of Pakistan. Whether his mind changed after 10:30 pm that night, is anybody's guess. However, looking at the available circumstantial evidence objectively, on a scale of balance of probability, such change of heart was extremely unlikely.

The fact that even after the liberation of Bangladesh Mujib wanted to maintain a confederation type relationship with Pakistan (see my article of 3 April) shows that he did not actually change his position.

While speaking to the Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci in 1972 Bhutto said that after assuming power from Yahya when he met with Mujib prior to releasing him Mujib swore on Quran to maintain a link (confederation?) with Pakistan. Late Humayun Rashid Chowdhury (former foreign minister and speaker) in an interview on 27 December 1989 with Masudul Haque said that he had asked Mujib about this promise given to Bhutto, but Mujib denied it. However, in 1976 when Humayun Rashid met Bhutto in Jeddah and reminded him about his interview with Fallaci and Mujib's denial, Bhutto repeatedly asserted that Mujib did make such a promise and that he was not lying.

Quoting G W Chowdhury Masudul Haque (cited above) informs that towards the end of December 1971, Mujib was moved from the Layalpur Jail to the BFLA building in Pindi. Here the new Pakistani President Bhutto met Mujib twice. During these meetings Mujib agreed to maintain a link with Pakistan. He even told Bhutto that he stayed in his house and did not flee. And he did this to save Pakistan. Bhutto-Mujib conversations were allegedly tape recorded. It would be great for Bangladeshi historians if they could secure transcripts of these tapes.

When Mujib was finally released, Bhutto came to the airport to bid farewell to Mujib. The two hugged and kissed and Mujib was in tears.

Air Martial Zafar A Chaudhry of Pakistan (Chief of Air Staff March 72- April 74) escorted Mujib, Kamal Hossain and his wife and children to London. Chaudhry gave a detailed account of Mujib's farewell journey from Pakistan to London in his book Mosaic of Memory. Even during this journey Mujib showed his commitment towards maintaining a political union with Pakistan. Mujib said that he would find out means to remain together with Pakistan. He was very complementary of Bhutto. He said that Bhutto was a good man and that he had saved his (Mujib) life twice. It is worth noting here that Bhutto while talking to Oriana Fallaci also mentioned that he saved Mujib's life once before.

According to Chaudhry, Mujib showed his displeasure that the Indians were then in Bangladesh. He said that once he would return to Bangladesh his first task would be to get the Indians out of the country. If the army (Pakistani?) could have kept even one district in Bangladesh under control, Mujib said, he would have mobilised people to break up the Indian's line of resistance and drive them out of the country. If Zafar Chaudhry's account is correct then this should come as a shock to pro-Indian Mujib followers – as it appears, Mujib was not an India-lover.

The evidence mentioned in this article and in my earlier article strongly suggests that Mujib till the very last day remained committed to the unity of Pakistan.

Whatever he had in his mind, as the fate dictated, on 25th March 1971 when the Pakistani onslaught began Mujib, unknown to him, stood in a unique win-win-win situation. If the people could liberate Bangladesh he would be their father of the nation; if the Pakistani Army could crush the Bengalis aspiration for independence, he would become the Prime Minister of united Pakistan; if he would be killed he would become the most loved and respected martyr of Bengali nation.



Tuhin Reza from London
London
UK
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