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Monday, December 24, 2012

[mukto-mona] Fw: বাংলাদেশ এগিয়ে যাবে কেউ কেউ জ্বলবে!!!




----- Forwarded Message -----
From: SyedAslam <syed.aslam3@gmail.com>
To: Khobor <khabor@yahoogroups.com>; notun Bangladesh <notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com>; chottala@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Monday, December 24, 2012 4:01 PM
Subject: বাংলাদেশ এগিয়ে যাবে কেউ কেউ জ্বলবে!!!


মঙ্গলবার, ২৫ ডিসেম্বর ২০১২, ১১ পৌষ ১৪১৯
বাংলাদেশ এগিয়ে যাবে কেউ কেউ জ্বলবে!!!
মাসুদা ভাট্টি
বাংলাদেশ ভাল করছে। শত বাধা, শত বিঘ্ন পেরিয়ে বাংলাদেশ এগুচ্ছে লন্ডন থেকে প্রকাশিত দ্য গার্ডিয়ান পত্রিকার ভাষ্য থেকে আমরা সেই প্রমাণই পাই। পত্রিকাটির অর্থনৈতিক বিশ্লেষণে বাংলাদেশ এমন এক সম্ভাবনার দেশ, যে দেশটি খুব দ্রুত অগ্রসরমান অর্থনীতি নিয়ে অতি অল্প সময়েই পশ্চিমের বাঘা বাঘা অর্থনীতির দেশকে ছাড়িয়ে যেতে পারে। বর্তমানে যে পথে দেশটির অর্থনীতি ধাবমান তাতে এই অগ্রগতি অর্জনে বাংলাদেশের খুব বেশি সময় আর লাগবে না, আর মাত্র ৩০ বছর। যে কোন দেশের বা জাতি-ইতিহাসের জন্য ৩০ বছর খুব কম সময়, দেখতে দেখতে সে সময় চলে আসবে। কিন্তু প্রশ্ন হলো, সে পর্যন্ত পৌঁছতে আমাদের যে পথ পাড়ি দিতে হবে, সে পথ তো মসৃণ নয় বরং সে পথের সবচেয়ে বড় বাধা আমরা নিজেরাই, তাই নয় কি? 
গার্ডিয়ানের প্রতিবেদনে স্পষ্টই বলা হয়েছে যে, বাংলাদেশের মতো যে সমস্ত দেশ এক সময় অনুল্লেখযোগ্য তালিকায় ছিল সেসব দেশের এই দ্রুত অগ্রসরমানতার প্রথম কারণ হচ্ছে, এরা অবকাঠামোগত উন্নয়নে মনোনিবেশ করেছে এবং মূল্যস্ফীতি রোধ, শিক্ষা খাতে বরাদ্দ বৃদ্ধি এবং তথ্য-প্রযুক্তিকে কাজে লাগিয়ে দ্রুততম সময়ে আধুনিক হয়ে উঠছে। অথচ এক সময় এদের 'তলাবিহীন ঝুড়ি' হিসেবে পরিচয় করিয়ে দেয়া হতো। বিশেষ করে বাংলাদেশকে নিয়ে আলোচনাতে এই বিশেষণটি হামেশাই ব্যবহার করা হয়েছে। হেনরি কিসিঞ্জারের বরাত দিয়ে এই শব্দদ্বয় ব্যবহার করা হলেও তিনি নিজে আরেকজনের বরাতে এই শব্দদ্বয় ব্যবহার করেছিলেন। কিন্তু সে কালো ইতিহাস থেকে আমরা বেরিয়ে এসেছি। আরও আগেই হয়ত বেরুনো যেত কিন্তু সে পথে কাঁটা হয়ে দাঁড়িয়েছিল দেশের ঘাড়ে চেপেবসা দু'দু'বারের সামরিক শাসন এবং এই অপশাসনের ফলে সৃষ্ট দেশব্যাপী অরাজকতা, অশান্তি আর রাজনৈতিক ধারাবাহিকতার অভাব। স্বাধীনতার পর থেকে এ পর্যন্ত নিরবচ্ছিন্ন রাজনৈতিক শাসনের ধারাবাহিকতা নিশ্চিত করা গেলে, রাজনৈতিক রক্তপাত না হলে বাংলাদেশ সম্পর্কে এই রিপোর্ট প্রকাশিত হতো আরো দশ বছর আগে। নব্বইয়ের দশকেই আমরা পেতাম বাংলাদেশকে আজকের অবস্থানে। এটা খুব সহজেই প্রমাণ করা সম্ভব যে, সামরিক শাসনামলে ও রাজনৈতিক শাসনের অনুপস্থিতিতে বাংলাদেশ সব সূচকেই অন্তত ২০ বছর পিছিয়ে পড়েছে। কিন্তু আগেই বলেছি, এখনও এ পথ নিরাপদ ও নিরবচ্ছিন্ন নয়। 
শুরু থেকেই বাংলাদেশের যে বৈশিষ্ট্যটি দেশে-বিদেশে আলোচিত ছিল তা হলো, এই দেশের মানুষ মুক্তিকামী। ১৯৭১ বাঙালীকে এভাবেই পরিচিত করেছিল বিশ্বের কাছে। রাজনৈতিক সচেতনতার দিকটিও এখানে উল্লেখের দাবি রাখে। যে কারণে এদেশে স্বৈরাচার বেশিদিন স্থায়ী হতে পারেনি। রক্তপাতের ভেতর দিয়ে হলেও মানুষ বেরিয়ে এসেছে স্বৈরশাসন থেকে। গণতন্ত্রের প্রতি স্বাভাবিক প্রীতি না থাকলে এটা সম্ভবপর ছিল না। অসম্ভবের সঙ্গে লড়ার যে অদম্য শক্তি তা এ দেশের মানুষের স্বভাবজাত, প্রতিবছর খরা, বন্যা, জলোচ্ছ্বাসের মতো প্রাকৃতিক দুর্যোগ মোকাবিলা করে ঘুরে দাঁড়ানোর যে শক্তি বাঙালী দেখিয়েছে তা অভূতপূর্ব। একই সঙ্গে প্রযুক্তির সঙ্গে তাল মিলিয়ে সামনে এগিয়ে যাওয়ার কিংবা আধুনিক হওয়ারও উদাহরণ আমরা দিতে পারি। নইলে গ্রামের সবচে বয়স্ক ব্যক্তিটি থেকে শুরু করে একেবারে নবীন বালকটি পর্যন্ত যেভাবে মোবাইল ফোনকে ব্যবহার করেন তা রীতিমতো বিস্ময়কর। নিরক্ষর হওয়া সত্ত্বেও প্রযুক্তিকে এভাবে ব্যবহার করার নজির খুব কমই রয়েছে। এদেশের এই প্রযুক্তি ব্যবহারের প্রবণতাকে অনেক পশ্চিমা বিশ্লেষকই 'মোবাইল রেভুল্যুশন' হিসেবে বর্ণনা করেছেন। মোবাইল ফোনকে ব্যবহার করে তার থেকে বিবিধ উপযোগিতা আদায়ের জন্য বাংলাদেশ ইতোমধ্যেই বেশ উল্লেখযোগ্য আলোচনায় উঠে এসেছে। বিগত নির্বাচনে আওয়ামী লীগ যে ডিজিটাল বাংলাদেশের জোয়ার জনগণের মাঝে ছড়িয়ে দিতে সক্ষম হয়েছিল তার ধারাবাহিকতায় আয়ারল্যান্ড ও নেদারল্যান্ডসের মতো দেশও 'ডিজিটাল' শব্দটিকে বেছে নিয়ে প্রযুক্তিকে দেশের আপামর মানুষের কাছে সহজলভ্য করার ঘোষণা দিয়েছিল। সেদিক দিয়ে বাংলাদেশ নিঃসন্দেহে পাইওনিয়র। বর্তমান সরকারের চার বছর অতিক্রম হতে যাচ্ছে, এখানে দাঁড়িয়ে আমরা যদি দেশের প্রযুক্তিগত উন্নতির দিকে চোখ রাখি তাহলে এই সরকারের পরম শত্রুও একথা স্বীকার করবেন যে, ডিজিটাল বাংলাদেশ কিছুটা হলেও কার্যকর করা সম্ভব হয়েছে। দেশের প্রায় চার হাজার ইউনিয়নে ই-তথ্য কেন্দ্র স্থাপন ও তার ব্যবহারের কথাই যদি ধরি তাহলেও মানুষকে অন্তত তথ্য প্রযুক্তির সঙ্গে পরিচিত করার কাজটি এরই মধ্যে সম্ভব হয়েছে। আর এক্ষেত্রে যে বিশাল জনগোষ্ঠীর কর্মসংস্থান করা গেছে তাতে অনেকেরই বিস্ময় জাগবে। 
আধুনিক রাষ্ট্র ব্যবস্থায় একটি গুরুত্বপূর্ণ ব্যাপার হচ্ছে সুশাসন ও জবাবদিহিতা। যে সকল রাষ্ট্র এই দু'টি বিষয় নিশ্চিত করতে পেরেছে তাদের আর পেছনে ফিরে তাকাতে হয়নি। বাংলাদেশে এই দু'টি বিষয়ই খুব দুর্বল। কিন্তু দুর্বলতার নিক্তিকে যদি আমরা শুরু থেকে এ পর্যন্ত সময় দিয়ে মাপি তাহলে একথা নির্দ্বিধায় বলা যেতে পারে যে, বাংলাদেশ এগিয়েছে। ৪১ বছর একটি দেশের জন্য খুব বেশি বয়স নয়। বাংলাদেশ বিশ্ব মানচিত্রে নবীন দেশগুলোর অন্যতম। স্বাভাবিকভাবেই অনেক চড়াইউতরাই পেরুতে হয়েছে এই দেশটিকে স্থিতু হতে। যার ভেতর গণতান্ত্রিক রাষ্ট্র ব্যবস্থায় ফেরার বিষয়টি অন্যতম। এর সঙ্গে স্বাভাবিকভাবেই সুশাসন ও জবাবদিহিতাকে যদি যোগ করি তাহলে এই সূচকেও বাংলাদেশ এগিয়েছে সন্দেহ নেই। কিন্তু রাষ্ট্র পরিচালনায় জনগণের অংশগ্রহণ এখনও এখানে নিশ্চিত নয় এবং রাষ্ট্রের সেবামূলক (কাস্টমার সার্ভিস) প্রতিষ্ঠান থেকে জনগণের দূরত্ব এখনও অনেক সে কথা আমাদের স্বীকার করতেই হবে। কিন্তু এগুলো মূল সমস্যার শেষের দিককার কথা, একেবারে প্রথমদিকে যে কথাটি আলোচিত হওয়া উচিত বলে আমি মনে করি, তা হলো, বাংলাদেশের কিছু সর্বজনীন সমস্যা রয়েছে, যার সমাধানে সকলের ঐকমত্যে পৌঁছনোটা আশু জরুরী। যার মধ্যে গণতন্ত্রকে প্রাতিষ্ঠানিক করা, নির্বাচন ব্যবস্থাকে স্বাভাবিক করা (তত্ত্বাবধায়ক সরকার ব্যবস্থা কোনমতেই স্বাভাবিক রীতি নয়), অগণতান্ত্রিক শক্তিকে ক্ষমতা দখল করতে না দেয়া এবং রাজনৈতিক কাঠামোকে সুসংহত করা। এগুলো নিশ্চিত করা গেলেই রাষ্ট্র কাঠামো একটি সুসংহত ভিতের ওপর দাঁড়াবে, যেখান থেকে সুশাসন বলি আর জবাবদিহিতা বলি, সবই নিশ্চিত করতে কোন বেগ পেতে হবে না। আর তার জন্য আমাদের নিজেদেরই সবার আগে ঠিক করতে হবে। 
একটা উদাহরণ দিয়েই আজকের লেখার সমাপ্তিতে পৌঁছে যাব। বাংলাদেশে এক সময় সিভিল সোসাইটি আন্দোলন ছিল খুব শক্তিশালী। বিশেষ করে পাকিস্তানী শাসনব্যবস্থার বিপরীতে এই শক্তিশালী সুশীল সমাজ আন্দোলন বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা অর্জনের আন্দোলনকে বেগময় করেছিল। এ কারণে একাত্তরে এই সিভিল সোসাইটিকে চরম মূল্য দিতে হয়েছিল প্রাণ দিয়েই। কিন্তু বাংলাদেশে ক্রমশ এই আন্দোলন থিতিয়ে পড়ে। এবং আজকে এসে আমরা দেখতে পাচ্ছি যে, বাংলাদেশের সুশীল সমাজ আজ যেন একটি 'গালি'তে পরিণত হয়েছে। মানুষের সঙ্গে এই সমাজের দূরত্বই এই পরিণতির জন্য দায়ী। সাধারণ মানুষ যা চায় তা আমাদের সুশীল সমাজ আন্দাজ করতে ব্যর্থ হচ্ছে, ফলে আজকে পরিস্থিতি দাঁড়িয়েছে এ রকম যে, মানুষ বলছে বাংলাদেশে আসলে রাজনৈতিক দল তিনটি ১. আওয়ামী লীগ, ২. বিএনপি এবং ৩. সুশীল সমাজ কাম দাতাগোষ্ঠী কাম সেনাসমর্থিত অগণতান্ত্রিক শক্তি কাম বিরাজনীতিকরণ গোষ্ঠী কাম প্রাপ্তিযোগে রাজনৈতিক চরিত্রবদলকারী বুদ্ধি-ব্যবসায়ী কাম আরো কিছু। আমার মনে হয়, আজকের রাজনৈতিক দলগুলোর স্বেচ্ছাচারিতা ও দায়িত্বহীনতার কারণ মূলত একটি শক্তিশালী সুশীল আন্দোলনের অনুপস্থিতি। এই আন্দোলনের ধারাবাহিকতা কেন বিঘিœত হয়েছে তা নিয়ে আমাদের গবেষণা চলতে পারে কিন্তু এর প্রয়োজনীয়তা নিয়ে কারো দ্বিমত থাকার কথা নয়। মজার ব্যাপার হচ্ছে, অনৈক্য আর অনুপস্থিতির কারণে বাংলাদেশের যে বিশাল অর্জন বিশেষ করে রাজনৈতিক শক্তির হাতেই হয়েছে তা এই বিশাল বিচ্ছিন্ন সুশীল সমাজের স্বীকৃতি পায় না বা পেলেও তা হয় খ-িত ও পক্ষপাতদুষ্ট। আর সে কারণেই দেশে ও বিদেশে বাংলাদেশ এখনও আলোচনা-সমালোচনার বড় টার্গেট হয়ে যায়, যেখানে মূল সত্য থেকে যায় নিভৃতে। নইলে ১/১১-র মতো অগণতান্ত্রিক শাসন কি করে বিশ্বের বড় বড় গণতন্ত্রের ধ্বজাধারী দেশগুলোর সমর্থন লাভ করে? কি করে বাংলাদেশে ৯ বছরের জন্য একটি অনির্বাচিত সরকারের শাসন-ধারণা বিদেশে কল্কে পায়? আমার মনে হয়, বাংলাদেশের এই শক্তিশালী সুশীল গোষ্ঠীটি যদি ঐক্যবদ্ধ ও সুসংহত হতো তাহলে এদেশের উন্নয়ন সূচক আরো বৃদ্ধি পেত এবং ৩০ বছর নয়, তারও আগে বাংলাদেশ পশ্চিমকে ছাড়াত। কেবলমাত্র সমালোচনার জন্য সমালোচনা বা উদ্দেশ্যময় সমালোচনা বাংলাদেশের অগ্রগতির পথে যে কত বড় বাধা তা আমরা সকলেই কমবেশি বুঝতে পারার কথা। 
ফিরে যাই, পুরনো কথায়। বাংলাদেশের কিছু স্থায়ী ও গুরুত্বপূর্ণ সম্পদের মধ্যে এই দেশের তরুণ জনগোষ্ঠী উল্লেখযোগ্য। এই জনগোষ্ঠীর একটি বড় অংশ আজ প্রবাসী এবং সেখান থেকে পাঠানো রেমিটেন্স বাংলাদেশের অর্থনীতির এগিয়ে যাওয়ার পথে একটি প্রধান উপকরণ। জনসংখ্যা বিস্ফোরণ নিয়ে এদেশে ব্যাপক আলোচনা হয়েছে। কিন্তু জনসংখ্যাকে যদি সঠিকভাবে প্রশিক্ষিত করা যায় তাহলে জনসংখ্যা বোঝা না হয়ে সম্পদে পরিণত হতে পারে; বাংলাদেশকে গবেষণা করলেই এই সত্য প্রতীয়মান হবে। তাই বলে বাংলাদেশের বিশাল জনসংখ্যা প্রশিক্ষিত ও উপার্জনক্ষম, একথা ঢালাওভাবে বলা যাবে না। বরং, এখনও এই জনসংখ্যার বিশাল অংশটি শিক্ষাবঞ্চিত, অদক্ষ এবং বেকার। এখানে রাষ্ট্রের ভূমিকার কথা বলার আগে একটি বিষয় উল্লেখ করা জরুরী। ইউরোপ কিংবা আমেরিকাসহ পশ্চিমের অনেক দেশেই আজ জনসংখ্যা বৃদ্ধির হার নিম্নগামীই শুধু নয়, নেতিবাচকও। অচিরেই দেশগুলো পড়তে যাচ্ছে বিশাল এক ফাঁপড়ে, যেখানে কার্যক্ষম তরুণ জনগোষ্ঠী হয়ে উঠবে অবসরভোগী বৃদ্ধ জনগোষ্ঠীর তুলনায় স্বল্প। এই স্বল্পতা সেখানে সৃষ্টি করছে কিংবা করবে ভারসাম্যহীনতা। আর এই ভারসাম্যহীনতার ভেতরেই ঢুকে পড়তে সক্ষম হবে বাংলাদেশের মতো দেশগুলোর জনসংখ্যার প্রশিক্ষিত ও দক্ষ অংশটি। কিন্তু সত্যি কথা বলতে কি, আমরা এখনও সে রকম কোন বড় উদ্যোগ নিতে পারিনি। বরং আমরা এখনও নিজেদের ভাগ্যের ওপর ছেড়ে দিয়ে বসে আছি। আমাদের নিয়ে উন্নত বিশ্বে গবেষণা হচ্ছে, গবেষণার ইতিবাচক ফলও বেরিয়ে আসছে কিন্তু আমরা তো জানি আমাদের অবস্থান কোথায়? 


ঢাকা, ২৪ ডিসেম্বর, সোমবার, ২০১২। 
লেখক : সম্পাদক, একপক্ষ। 
masuda.bhatti@gmail.com






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Re: [mukto-mona] Maulana Bhashani: The Majloom Jononeta



Maulana never been consistent in his thinking. There were times when he sounded like a die-hard proletariat and then, very next day, he was a different man with a different agenda. There was no way to put this Maulana in any political box and declare him as a radical man or damn religious reactionary. I found Mr. Bhasani as an enigmatic politician with no fixed political position.


>>>>>>>>>>> I feel you can say similar things about most of our "National leaders". The ONLY difference is Maulana changed his positions to cater needs for average oppressed people of this country and most others changed positions to get close to power and money.

Just being flexible is NOT a bad thing if your INTENTION is to help people. You can look at lives of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who started very much part of Muslim league (Thus solder of establishing Pakistan) and changed his position when he realized his people were not being served by the establishment. He also worked to establish democracy in this country but at last part of his life introduced one party system. Similarly Ziaur Rahman was undoubtedly one of the top leaders of our glorious muktijuddho (1971) but later we found him working with ex-Muslim league people like Shah Azizur Rahman. Many Jasad leaders became very much part of the "Establishment". Our current minister of information is one prime example of "Flexibility".

One thing is certain that, Maulana did change his positions to reflect reality around him but no one can say he had any personal gains from it. As a "Real" example of a practicing Muslim he died without much wealth to his name or his family. He served people of his country well and returned to his Maker.

May Allah (SWT) reward him for his service to the people.


Shalom!




-----Original Message-----
From: Sankar Kumar Ray <sankarray62@rediffmail.com>
To: mukto-mona <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>; deebee60 <deebee60@gmail.com>; sudebmitra <sudeb.mitra@qc.cuny.edu>; btapan2011 <btapan2011@gmail.com>; Barun Dasgupta <dasguptabarun366@gmail.com>; Aurobindo Banerjee <banerjeeaurobindo@gmail.com>; ashimmr2 <ashimmr@gmail.com>
Sent: Tue, Dec 25, 2012 5:09 am
Subject: Re: [mukto-mona] Maulana Bhashani: The Majloom Jononeta

 
I agree with Deeldar Sahib *:

Maulana Bhashani  was a great leader but his secularism was not consistent. Before leading the agitation against the Farakka Barrage he offered Namaj at a mammoth mosque and threw salvoes against India.Agitation against Farakka was logical but why linking a mosque as if Hindu temples were for Farakka. Two, he wasn't ashamed of endorsing the general secretaryship of Mashiur Rahman a k a Jadu Mian in the National Awami Party (Bhasani grouo). In 1947, when share-croppers (adhiars) held a rally (led by Syed Mansur Habibullah and Saroj Mukherjee - later CPI-M leaders in WBengal) for Tebhaga, Jadu Mian opened fire against them. A pathologically anti-(poor) peasant was Maulana's comrade-in-arms. Three, after visiting China, he gave a statement at the Dacca Airport appealing people to support President Ayyub Khan..
SR

*
Maulana never been consistent in his thinking. There were times when he sounded like a die-hard proletariat and then, very next day, he was a different man with a different agenda. There was no way to put this Maulana in any political box and declare him as a radical man or damn religious reactionary. I found Mr. Bhasani as an enigmatic politician with no fixed political position. He was with the flow and he was there with every movement. When he spoke his mind, we could not make head tail of his words. Overall, he was a good force but not enough to be a consistent and charismatic leader.

Did he steal an ox to revolt against his father? I do not know. If he did, the sin is pretty minor in comparison to many of our other 'Gunodhar" leaders. We got plenty of leaders but their quality are pretty rotten and dismal, the least I can say.


 
From: Shah Deeldar <shahdeeldar@yahoo.com>
Sent: Mon, 24 Dec 2012 04:48:08
To: "mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com" <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>, Khobor <khabor@yahoogroups.com>, notun Bangladesh <notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com>, "chottala@yahoogroups.com" <chottala@yahoogroups.com>, "bangladesh-progressives@googlegroups.com" <bangladesh-progressives@googlegroups.com>
Subject: Re: [mukto-mona] Maulana Bhashani: The Majloom Jononeta
Maulana never been consistent in his thinking. There were times when he sounded like a die-hard proletariat and then, very next day, he was a different man with a different agenda. There was no way to put this Maulana in any political box and declare him as a radical man or damn religious reactionary. I found Mr. Bhasani as an enigmatic politician with no fixed political position. He was with the flow and he was there with every movement. When he spoke his mind, we could not make head tail of his words. Overall, he was a good force but not enough to be a consistent and charismatic leader.

Did he steal an ox to revolt against his father? I do not know. If he did, the sin is pretty minor in comparison to many of our other 'Gunodhar" leaders. We got plenty of leaders but their quality are pretty rotten and dismal, the least I can say.
-SD     

 
"All great truths begin as blasphemies." GBS

From: SyedAslam <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com>
To: Khobor <khabor@yahoogroups.com>; notun Bangladesh <notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com>; chottala@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Saturday, December 22, 2012 5:34 PM
Subject: [mukto-mona] Maulana Bhashani: The Majloom Jononeta

 
Maulana Bhashani: The Majloom Jononeta
M. WAHEEDUZZAMAN MANIK provides glimpses of the formative phase of the life and struggle of Maulana Bhashani.
Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani was aptly called "Majloom Jononeta" (leader of the oppressed) because of his uncompromising commitment to the needs of the poor, landless, peasants, workers, sharecroppers, abandoned, exploited and repressed people of the society. By any measure, his long political struggle was characterised by his selfless dedication for championing the causes of the most underprivileged segments of our society. Throughout almost six decades of a struggling political life, Maulana Bhashani was both a demanding spirit and a fearless voice for emancipation of the humblest, exploited, terrorised, and oppressed citizens against the overwhelming powers of the governmental machinery and the overweening grip of the ruling elite of the society. Indeed, he had to his credit an unblemished and impeccable record of life-long relentless struggle for the downtrodden, the poor, the vulnerable, the neglected, the deserted and the disinherited. Yet his dignified comportment throughout his eventful political struggle had displayed a quintessential bravery, relentlessness and dauntlessness
However, Maulana Bhashani was more than a defender of the peasantry and working class. He was responsible for building up an epoch-making resistance movement against the infamous Line system and the brutish Bangal Kheda movement in colonial Assam. He was both the maker and shaker of political events during the most turbulent years of the then East Pakistan. The seed of politics of opposition and agitation was carefully planted by Maulana Bhashani in the formative years of Pakistan in an era when the overwhelming majority of Muslim population of the then East Bengal was not yet ready to be disillusioned with the euphoria of Pakistan movement. He had played a defining role in the difficult task of building up East Pakistan Awami Muslim League, a viable opposition party in the then Pakistan. Doubtless, his was the fearless dissenting voice in the formative years of Pakistan. He was an active leader of the Bengali language movement. He was one of the chief organisers of the United Front, an electoral alliance that routed the ruling Muslim League party in the 1954 elections. He was not only the authentic founder of the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League (EPAML) but he was also the founder of the National Awami Party (NAP). Therefore, the appearance of Maulana Bhashani in the regressive political scenario of the then East Bengal as the most dauntless dissenting voice and an effective organiser of a sustainable opposition party that was capable of building-up a viable resistance movement against the Punjabi-Mohajir dominated Karachi-anchored Pakistani ruling elite was nothing short of a miracle.
It is part of Bangladesh's robust political history that it was Maulana Bhashani who had organised the historic anti-Ayub movement which took place in late 1968 and early 1969 that prompted and hastened the withdrawal of the infamous Agartala Conspiracy case and the unconditional release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from captivity. It is widely acknowledged that he had orchestrated a series of 'gherao' (a form of non-violent sit-in strikes designed to 'encircle' the governmental official against whom a protest was directed) immediately before and during the 1969 student-mass movement eventually led to the shameful downfall of the dictatorial regime of Ayub Khan. Maulana Bhashani's legendary name is also integral part and parcel of Bangladesh's struggle for freedom and independence.
Although Maulana Bhashani was intimately associated with all of the  by Shopping Sidekick" id="yiv828363367_GPLITA_0" target="_blank" href="http://www.thedailystar.net/forum/2012/January/maulana.htm#" style="color:rgb(153,102,102);"progressive movements during the Pakistan era from 1947 to 1971, no attempt has been made to provide any analysis or chronological details of any of those movements within the limited scope of this article. No effort has been made to discuss his fearless role in building-up the EPAML as a viable opposition political party in the then East Pakistan. Rather, the main purpose of this piece is to reflect on the formative phase of Maulana Bhashani's life and political struggle with specific reference to his struggling life up to late 1920s and early 1930s when he made Assam's Brahmaputra valley his place of residence and political struggle. However, a detailed discussion of strategies and tactics of his anti-Line system and anti-Bangal Kheda movement is not possible within the size of this paper. 

Gleanings from his early life
Maulana Bhashani was born in 1885 (circa 1884) at a village named Dhangora within the jurisdiction of Sirajganj subdivision (at present Sirajganj is a district) of the then Pabna district. He was the second son of Alhaj Mohammad Sharafat Ali Khan and Mosammat Majiran Bibi. His father was neither a Zamindar nor a Talukder. Nor was he a Jotedar (intermediary between landlord and peasant) of any kind. Mohammad Sharafat Ali Khan owned a small grocery shop. He also owned a couple of acres of cultivable land. Although he was at best a middle-range farmer when Maulana Bhashani was born, his family status was quite respectable in his village by economic standards of that time. It is believed that he was a religious man who had performed Haj at an early age. According to some accounts, he performed Haj at the age of 35, and it is believed that he had walked from Mecca to Medina barefoot through the desert. The Haji title in those days added prestige not only to the performer of Haj but also added a new status to the family of a Haji.
Alhaj Mohammad Sharafat Ali Khan had named his second son Abdul Hamid Khan. However, Maulana Bhashani was known as Chega Mia during the early phase of his life. From whatever is known about his father and mother, it is plausible to suggest that his father and mother were caring parents. Unfortunately, Chega Mia lost both of his parents when he needed them most. He was hardly five or six years old when his father died at an early age in 1889 leaving behind his wife and young children (three sons and a daughter). Chega Mia (Maulana Bhashani) also lost his grandparents, mother, two brothers, and a sister in an epidemic (cholera) in mid-1890s (most probably in 1894 or in 1895) when he was barely 10 years old. Since he lost both of his parents and his grandfather at a very early phase of his life, he had to journey through a chequered boyhood. Given the fact that his father's untimely demise preceded his grandfather's death, Maulana Bhashani was clearly deprived of his inheritance right to his father's property. He was a student at a junior madrasa for several years but he could not continue his studies due to abject poverty and changed pecuniary circumstance. As a madrasa drop-out, he had no shelter even at his paternal house due to the betrayal of his close relatives. He came to know what hunger and starvation meant as a young boy because he had neither food nor lodge even though his father left behind homestead and cultivable land. So he had started wandering around for several years, and there was no profession left in which he did not try his luck in those trying days.
The orphan son of a mid-range Muslim farmer cum petty grocer and a grandson of a humble peasant, Maulana Bhashani had little reason to anticipate, in those trying times, a dedicated and selfless life of an ardent defender of the oppressed and downtrodden people. As a young disciple of Pir Syed Nasiruddin Shah Baghdadi, he had visited and stayed in Assam in the early years of 1900s (his first visit to Assam is believed to be in 1904). Although his main task in those days was to take care of various household chores of Pir Nasiruddin Baghdadi, Maulana Bhashani had received his basic Islamic education including his skills in the rudiments of Arabic from his association with Pir Syed Nasiruddin Shah Baghdadi. At the behest of this Pir, he had also the rare opportunity to pursue more formal religious education at Deobond Madrasa for almost two years. During his stay at Deobond in 1907-09, he was deeply influenced by Maulana Mahmudul Hasan who was popularly known as 'Shaikhul Hind'. It is being conjectured by most of the biographers of Maulana Bhashani that the progressive Islamic thinkers at Deobond and the liberal traditions of Sufi Islamic preachers might have immensely inspired him to become a fearless fighter against all types of oppression and exploitation including his steep opposition to the perpetuation of British imperialism.
After his return from Deobond, most probably at the end of 1909, Maulana Bhashani started teaching in a primary school which was located at village Kagmari near Tangail town at a monthly remuneration of no more than three rupees. He also taught in a madrasa at village Kala near Haluaghat in Mymensingh district after he had quit his primary school job. Since he used to earn a monthly pittance in both of these places, his pecuniary circumstance had remained sluggish in those days. However, it is fair to suggest that wherever he went to work or live in those almost forgotten years he had demonstrated a knack for getting himself involved with the problems of the common people of that area. For instance, he used to deal with the problems of the poor, the poorest of the poor, the neglected, the hungry, the malnourished and the downtrodden. Maulana Bhashani had a strong desire for motivating and organising the marginal peasants and vulnerable villagers to resist all forms of injustices.
There is little wonder why the targets of his grass root level resistance and protest movements in those days were the Zamindars, Talukders, Jotedars, and Mahajans (money lenders). In fact, the juxtaposition of precarious conditions of the vulnerable tenants vis-à-vis the powerful landed class piqued his interest in the difficult task of defending the peasants, sharecroppers and landless agricultural laborers. If there was a conflict between a tenant (a 'Proja') and a feudal landlord, Maulana Bhashani was always on the side of the tenant. He was not only an ardent defender of the tenants' rights but he was one of the most dedicated and effective organisers of the 'Proja' movement in early 1920s. (Details on the early phase of Maulana Bhashani's life can be gleaned from Chapter I of Syed Abul Maqsud's seminal work titled Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, Bangla Academy, 1994, and Peter Custers' "Maulana Bhashani and the Transition to Secular Politics in East Bengal," The Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. XLVII (47), No. 2, April-June, 2010).
Glimpses of the formative phase of his political struggle
Given the fact that the formative phase of Maulana Bhashani's political struggle is a matter of distant past, it is difficult to ascertain the exact day or month or even the year when he got formally inducted into national or regional politics. He had developed both the compassion and organisational experience before he made his debut in national politics after joining the Indian National Congress in 1917. Although there is a paucity of authoritative details of the nature of his involvement in national politics of that time, there is no doubt that Maulana Bhashani actively participated in the Non-Cooperation and the Khilafat movement, and he was imprisoned for a brief period during that time. He was a great admirer of Ali Brothers (Maulana Mohammad Ali and Maulana Shawkat Ali) and Deshbandhu Chitta Ranjan Das. Maulana Bhashani had joined the Swarajya party with great a deal of enthusiasm being immensely impressed by Deshbandhu's charismatic and compassionate leadership style. He worked hard as a grass-root level foot soldier of the short-lived Swarajya party being essentially moved by the magnitude of personal sacrifices of C.R. Das toward achieving sustainable unity between the Hindus and Muslims in Bengal. Like C.R. Das, Maulana Bhashani sincerely believed and worked very hard for forging Hindu-Muslim unity. He was greatly saddened due to the sad and sudden death of C.R. Das on June 25, 1925.
Although Maulana Bhashani got himself involved in national politics in early 1920s, he voluntarily remained chiefly involved in the difficult task of ventilating, articulating and defending the genuine rights of the most vulnerable peasants of the regions wherever he lived in those years. In other words, he preferred to work among the peasants even though he had emerged in national politics before, during and after the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat movements. Maulana Bhashani's leadership experiences in the peasant movements in greater Mymensingh district and in other northern districts of Bengal had invariably played a role in his emergence as a charismatic peasant leader in Assam. Banned from the then greater Mymensingh district and eventually after being expelled from various northern districts of the then Bengal province, Maulana Bhashani settled in Char Bhasan (Gaghmari) of Assam in 1926 (according to some accounts, he took permanent residence in Assam in 1928).
As noted by Amalendu Guha, "After his first political experience reportedly as a Khilafatist and Non-cooperator, he (Maulana Bhashani) discovered that the real interests of the Muslim peasantry of Bengal lay in a consistent struggle against the zamindars and moneylenders, who were mostly Hindus. He did not hesitate to exploit the religious sentiment to organize and unite the oppressed Muslim peasantry, who constituted the overwhelming bulk of the Bengal peasantry. … The itinerant Maulana, with his simple and pious habits and great organizing abilities, was accepted by the rural folk not only as a political leader but also as a Pir (saint), believed to be possessed of occult power. Hounded out of Bengal by the zamindars and the police, he settled down on the wastelands of Ghagmari, a few miles from Dhubri in Assam, and also set up another establishment in Bhashanir-char (or Bhashan char), an island in the Brahmaputra (river). Both (places) were in Goalpara district where (Bengali) settlers already formed a fifth of the population. It was after the name of the latter place (Bhashan Char) that he was nick-named 'the Maulana of Bhashani' or simply 'Bhashani' in due course" (Amalendu Guha, "East Bengal Immigrants and Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani in Assam Politics, 1928-'47," The Indian Economic and Social History Review, Volume XIII, No. 4, 1976, p. 426)
Similar views about Maulana Bhashani's intimacy with the peasant movement during the formative stage of his political struggle have been expressed in a recently published article by Peter Custers, a left leaning European scholar. As emphasised by Peter Custers, "Though Bhashani originally hailed from Shirajganj in East Bengal (now Bangladesh), he derived his appellation "Bhashani" from 'char' Bhashan, a low lying area of Assam. It was here, in late (19) twenties, having been forced by the British colonial authorities to seek refuge beyond the borders of Bengal, that Bhashani cleared the jungles to build his own bamboo hut. Already by this time, the fiery theologian had distinguished himself as an opponent of the feudal zamindari system which was the backbone of Britain's rule over Bengal. The Bengal province in the 1920s had seen the emergence of a movement for tenants' rights. The 'proja' movement, protesting unjust impositions by absentee landlords, was actively supported by many rural intellectuals, including lawyers and Islamic preachers. Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan, later to be known as 'Bhashani', was not only an advocate for, but also a key organizer of this movement. In fact, he convened several big peasant gatherings before being compelled to shift his habitation to Assam. In Assam, the Maulana re-emerged as an effective and popular peasant leader, ready to champion the cause of the downtrodden" (Custers, Peter.. "Maulana Bhashani and the Transition to Secular Politics in East Bengal," The Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. XLVII (47), No. 2, April-June, 2010, p. 232).
There is no doubt that Maulana Bhashani had become a legendary political figure in Assam in mid-1930s and 1940s. Yet it needs to be underscored that he had Assam connection long before he settled there in later part of 1920s. As a young disciple of Pir Syed Nasiruddin Boghdadi, as noted earlier, he had visited and stayed in Assam in the early years of 1900s. Maulana Bhashani had numerous disciples in Assam even before he permanently migrated there in late 1920s. It is believed that he was a frequent visitor to Brahmaputra valley of Assam in 1920s. He was intimately familiar with the devastating effects of the infamous Line system on the Bengali immigrant peasantry in Assam. He had first-hand knowledge about the deplorable plight of the Bengali Muslim immigrant settlers in Assam before he moved there to live. He also felt the acute need for effectively mobilising and organising the Bengali immigrant settlers throughout the Brahmaputra valley in Assam. In fact, he had realized quite early that his fight against the Line system needs to be backed up by public support and awareness, and his initial efforts were deliberately geared toward garnering such public support. For example, in 1924, Maulana Bhashani had organised a large public meeting of Bengali peasants at "Bhashan Char" (Bhashani Island) of Dubri district. The great success of this mammoth gathering of Bengali migrant settlers in Dubri area had inspired Maulana Bhashani to devote his undivided attention to the task of organising more peasant gatherings and rallies in far flung areas of vast char lands of Brahmaputra valley.
Soon after Maulana Bhashani settled in Assam, he observed that the hardworking Bengali settlers in lower districts of Assam were very vulnerable to all forms of discrimination and exploitation because they were not at all organised to protect their own legitimate rights. It was clear to him that those Bengali immigrant settlers in Assam were not in a position to build up any kind of resistance movement against the government-sponsored discrimination and violence. Although he had never hankered after power or authority, he decided to take that responsibility upon himself to organise and develop a sustainable resistance movement of the immigrant peasants against the overweening powers of the vested interests. Maulana Bhashani's strategy at the initial stage of his struggle against the Line system was to prepare and mobilise the unorganised and vulnerable Bengali immigrant settlers in Assam. He was not willing to waste even a moment in building up a sustainable movement against the infamous Line system.
There was a total absence of any dedicated leadership committed to further the just causes of the migrant settlers in Assam even though some 'Bhadralok' Muslim leaders started showing sympathy for the Muslim immigrants. However, the seasonal or sporadic support or sympathy they had received from the Muslim leaders was at best political posturing before the general elections that were scheduled to be held in Assam in early 1937. Neither the upper class Muslim leaders nor the Bengali-speaking Hindu leaders were the trusted allies of the tormented Bengali Muslim settlers in the Brahmaputra valley. In fact, the educated middle class Bengali speaking people of Assam did not offer any form of tangible support for the legitimate grievances of the Bengali immigrant settlers in Assam. Being apparently disgusted, one Bengali scholar (Amalendu Guha) had characterised the lukewarm support of the Assamese Muslim leaders for the Bengali Muslim immigrant settlers in the Brahmaputra valley as "wordy" and "motivated." However, neither the upper class Bengali speaking Muslim leaders and nor the Bengali Hindu leaders did hesitate to woo the support or sympathy from the Bengali Muslim settlers when the then Assam government made the unilateral determination in 1935 "to close down the Bengali classes" in the schools and "to encourage the setting up of new aided schools exclusively for Bengali children."
Maulana Bhashani started holding numerous community meetings throughout Assam for the purpose of forming a viable resistance movement against the vested interests. It is evident that his intent of holding public gatherings was not only to garner mass support and the public opinions in favour of the disinherited Bengali peasantry in Assam but his initial mobilising efforts in Assam were also designed to convince the vulnerable Bengali immigrant settlers, the victims of the Line system, the paramount importance of binding together in self-defense. For instance, Maulana Bhashani organised a huge 'Krishak Shommelon' (Peasants' Conference) at 'Char Bhashan' in 1929. The chief resolutions of this Conference were as follows: abolition of Line system, moratorium on the Bangal Kheda (Eviction of Bangalees) initiatives, the redress of the atrocities of Raja Probhat Kumar Barua (the Zamindar of Gouripur) over the Bengali Muslim migrants, and the introduction of uniform of weighing system throughout Assam (In fact, Maulana Bhashani's serious efforts later led to the adoption of uniform weight system in Assam).
Maulana Bhashani devoted most of his efforts from 1929 through 1935-'37 toward building up numerous organisations of Bengali immigrants throughout Brahmaputra valley. Specifically, he had formed many peasant organisations for the sole purpose of articulating their demands. He also organised the agricultural laborers and landless peasants of Assam through the formation of "Assam Chashi Majoor Samiti" in 1937. During this period, Maulana Bhashani also started holding inter-provincial peasant conferences both in Assam and Bengal districts. For instance, Maulana Bhashani had assembled the 'Bangla-Assam Proja Sommelon' (Bengal-Assam Tenants' Conference) in 1932 at Sirajgunj of the then Pabna district. One of the professed objectives of holding the inter-provincial tenants' and peasants' conference was to sensitise the people of the neighbouring Bengal about the discriminatory policies and initiatives of the Assam Government against the Bengali immigrant settlers in Assam. According to Amalendu Guha, "From 1928 to 1936, while still maintaining his contacts with Bengal, Bhashani used to move up and down the Brahmaputra to visit the riverside immigrant Muslim villages in accessible areas of Assam and organised them on the basis of a peasant programme including the demand for land. The colonisation of Ghagmari and Bhashanir char was due to his own personal efforts. People, suffering under the oppression of zamindars in Bengal, were in any case flocking to Assam in large numbers in order to settle on its beckoning wasteland. By 1936, Bhashani emerged as the accredited leader of the Muslim immigrants of Goalpara. He stood (contested) as a candidate in the 1937 election and returned to the Assam Legislative Assembly, formed under the Act of 1935. He (Maulana Bhashani) remained an important figure in Assam politics during the next ten years" (Amalendu Guha, "East Bengal Immigrants and Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani in Assam Politics, 1928-'47," The Indian Economic and Social History Review, Volume XIII, No. 4, 1976, p. 427).
Doubtless, the emergence of Maulana Bhashani as the ardent defender of the Bengali immigrant peasantry in Assam was spectacular. As a saviour of his fellow Bengali immigrant settlers in Assam, he had organised a viable resistance movement against both the Line system and the brutish Bangal Kheda movement in 1930s and 1940s. His was the most trusted voice during the agonising years of tears and fears of the repressed Bengali immigrant peasantry in the Brahmaputra valley of Assam. He relentlessly fought against all odds for establishing their rights in the desolated regions of Assam. Maulana Bhashani dedicated himself for a period of at least two decades for ventilating their fair grievances and articulating their legitimate demands. His defiance of the infamous Line system and his fight against the vicious 'Banglal Kheda' policies and ploys of the then Assam Government made him a charismatic leader in Assam and a 'folk hero' in his own time. Since Maulana Bhashani was one of the tormented Bengali immigrant settlers in Assam, his resistance movement can be characterised as the bold and creative defiance and mass rejection of various anti-immigration policies and ploys of the then Assam Government.
***
The cherished yearning of Maulana Bhashani's early life and political struggle in the then greater Mymensingh district and in various districts of northern Bengal was to free the marginal cultivators, sharecroppers, and agricultural laborers from the yoke of the local landlords and their intermediaries and the money lenders. His struggle in the early phase of his political life both in northern districts of Bengal and the lower Assam districts can be characterised as a grassroots struggle for social justice. The emergence of Maulana Bhashani as the most charismatic peasant leader in Assam at a critical juncture was nothing short of a miracle for the discriminated and repressed Bengali peasantry in Assam. His grassroots level efforts towards building organisational infrastructures in rural regions of Bengal and Assam brought the most neglected and vulnerable segments of the society from periphery to the centre of the political spectrum.
There were a variety of voices against the infamous Line system and the brutish Bangal Kheda movement (also known as Bangal Kheda movement). There had been no dearth of criticisms of various anti-Bengali policies and ploys of the then Assam Government. Yet it was Maulana Bhashani who had emerged as the most selfless and dauntless champion of the most repressed and underprivileged Bengali peasantry in Assam. Indeed, his political struggle in Assam was deliberately designed and launched to dismantle the infamous Line system and to establish a moratorium on the Bangal Kheda movement. His heroic defiance of the Line system and his protracted fight against the Bangal Kheda ploys of then Assam Government represented one of the most courageous and principled stands for establishing the legitimate rights of the Bengali speaking immigrants in Assam. Maulana Bhashani's homegrown, community based resistance movement against the Line system and the Bangal Kheda movement was deliberately designed by him to be a movement of the Bengali peasantry, for the Bengali peasantry, and by the Bengali peasantry in Assam.
Doubtless, Maulana Bhashani was a catalyst of the most authentic movement for accruing or establishing both civil and political rights of the Bengali immigrants in colonial Assam. His relentless fight for the salvation of the toiling masses and his uncompromising resolve to fight against all forms of discrimination, oppression, exploitation and injustices had actually rendered credible voices to the most repressed Bengali immigrants in Assam. Maulana Bhashani had imparted a heritage of simple lifestyle, selfless and untainted leadership, and uncompromising resolve to fight for social justice. As the founder of a sustainable resistance movement against the Line system and the Bangal Kheda movement, Maulana Bhashani provided a path-breaking service for the vulnerable Bengali immigrant settlers throughout Brahmaputra valley of Assam. His organised resistance movement against the brutish Line system not only had to overcome the hopelessness and fearlessness of the Bengali immigrant settlers in lower Assam districts but also had to confront the internalised psychological damage that the Government-sponsored Bangal Kheda drive had inflicted on those tormented souls.
Dr. M. Waheeduzzaman (Manik) is a Professor and the Chair of the Department of Public Management and Criminal Justice at Austin Peay State University in Clarksville, Tennessee, USA and can be reached at zamanw@apsu.edu');" >zamanw@apsu.edu.
http://www.thedailystar.net/forum/2012/January/maulana.htm
Inline image 2
Inline image 3
[Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani & Bongobondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1972.
see Tofail Ahmed in the behind]

On Wed, Dec 19, 2012 at 6:43 AM, Abid Bahar <abid.bahar@gmail.com');" >abid.bahar@gmail.com> wrote:
 
" BHASANI WAS A THIEF" SAYS KAMAL DAS, A MUKTOMONA
Abid Bahar

Was Bhasani a thief? One Muktomona secular Hindu gentleman named Kamal Das lately claimed that Bhasani was indeed a thief. Kamal Das is not a street vendor or a vagabond in a cafe shop, he is muktomona and a professor at the university of Chittagong.  

 Who was Bhasani? Bhasani was the founder of Awami Muslim League, Awami League and the NAP party. He also founded the Ittifaque. Both Awami League and the Ittifaq were the two institutions that led to Bengali's fight against Pakistan. Bhasani was a fatherly figure to Sheikh Mujib. Bhasani' led the 1969 mass uprising using the "gherao movement" which led to the fall of Ayub and this also led to the release of Mujib from being hanged by the Pakistani government. Bhasani was fighting against oppressive regimes of his time.

(1) Unfortunately, Das of Muktomona says "Bhashani was a thief ...!" Well, he says " Being reprimanded by his father he left his house after he stole and sold his ox. "

Abul Maksud the biographer of Bhasani says otherwise that Bhasanl's father died when he was five years old ( Maksud, p. 12). We wonder how  a 5 year old child could steal and to sell his ox. It appears that, Kamal Das is a proto historian with Mukto mona's BJP style historian's communal tools. 

(2) Das also says:  "He ( Bhasani) was never a certified Maulana, learned Arabic by rote of the 'Holy Quran'.

Here also Das failed to understand Bhasani. A better understanding of Islamic culture and Bhasani's life would show that Bhasani was originally " Chega Mia" and Abdul Hamid Khan was his real name. He had attended Deoband madrassa but for his disliking didn't complete the diploma. When he returned back to his pir in Assam, Bhasani's followers called him the "Maulana." Like the title "Bhasani", "Maulana" was a given "title" by his followers, not a diploma. It was never seen by Bhasani or his followers except ignorant people like Kamal as a diploma.

Normally Sufi's are trained by their masters. They hardly require to be trained by the orthodox ullama based religious institutions. This type of Islamic education by Sufi pirs
makes it different from the madrassa educated Ullama. Bhasani was a Sufi pir.

(3) As claimed by Das, Bhasani was not an opportunist. When the Pakistani army was marching toward Tangail to capture " the Kafir" Bhasani they called he in the guise of a refugee mingled with people and crossed the border to India. His house was burnt to ashes. This is when Kamal Das's "debota" Mujib was "dressed up" to surrender to the Pakistan army and was in Pakistan during the entire liberation war.  Bhasani as a rebel leader led the war and remained in Calcutta as the adviser to the Bangladesh government in exile. Later on Bhasani was kept in house arrest by the Indian government when he began preaching for a united Bengal.

(4) Unfortunate that Das, the Muktomona style historian also calls Bhasani an opportunist and greedy leader. This has been the official version of Muktomona about Bhasani.

As opposed to that understanding, history records that unlike most Bangladeshi politicians, Bhasani lived in hut and dined like a Bengali peasant of what was brought for him by his Sufi Sagrits. We know that Bhasani didn't leave anything for his family. He wasn't greedy at all. For this proletarian life style he was branded by westerners as " the Gandhi of Bangladesh."  It is recorded that Bhasani was in the hospital and Ispahani went to see him. Bhasani was very annoyed when Ispahani proposed to give him two houses one in Dhaka and another one in Karachi. He advised Isphani to donate the money in the welfare of his workers.
 

(5) No doubt Kamal Das in the garb of a secularist is a BJP style communal person to propagate lies about Bhasani. This Das is not alone in misrepresenting Bhasani. Bhasani for criticizing BKSAL policies of extrajudicial killing etc. Moni Singh (a closet Indian agent) and a leading member of the BKSAL also threatned him and said he "would destroy Bhasani and cut him into pieces and remove him from the land of Bengal."(E. A. Hossain, p. 5). No doubt, this was Moni Singh's Stalinist fascist expression against a Sufi spiritual leader of Bangladesh.  For Bhasani's fight against Indian aggression, Bhasani was branded by Moni Singh as being "communal-minded." However, in Bhasani's words: "By falsely branding me as communal -minded person they keep me under arrest. For my non communal role, they called me "the agent of India." In my life I have been through so many abuses. Today they propagate that I am communal minded but when I was the president of the Awami League party, I had five Hindus chosen as ministers who are: Monoranjon Dhar, Dhrendra Dhatta, Kamini Kumar Datta, Basenta Kumar Das and one Sutra Dhar. (. The Weekly Haq Khota, May 12, 1972.)

(6)
I wouldn't go any further to respond to Kamal Das who seems to be ignorant and follows the Indian understanding of Bangladesh history. There are many other instances of such false understanding of Bhasani. The Jugantar (from Calcutta) characterized Bhashani as being "dishonest, ungrateful, communal minded and an Indian enemy." T

(7) Bhasani was loved by these India-lovers when he led his fight against Pakistan. It all changed when Bhasani led his movement against Mujib's pro-Indian BKSAL one party dictatorship and his Farakka march against India's dam building projects in the upper reaches of Bangladesh.

Finally, Bhasani was  the great spiritual leader of Bangladesh who lived a selfless life and his struggle was against "jalem" (oppressor) for its julum (oppression). That be by Pakistan, India or any other imperalist forces. Obviously, after the independence he was fighting against Indian aggression. No doubt the communal forces in India-lovers would misrepresent Bhasani. Strange but true, some like Kamal Das even would even call him a "thief." Bhasani said: Freedom struggle continues..." True, this time his message was against the Indian collaborators (Bharotio razakars) who are devoted to make Bangladesh a dependent state of India.







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Re: [mukto-mona] Merry Christmas

Happy holidays and wishing a happy new year to all members!

Peace!


-----Original Message-----
From: Sitangshu Guha <guhasb@gmail.com>
To: Khobor <khabor@yahoogroups.com>; mokto mona <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Tue, Dec 25, 2012 5:11 am
Subject: [mukto-mona] Merry Christmas

 
Merry Christmas to all our Christian Friends, 'We're All Part of God's Family'

 

Re: [mukto-mona] Motikontho Humors: মুক্তিযুদ্ধে অংশ নিয়ে গুনাহ করেছি: কাদের সিদ্দিকী



Kader Siddiquis role in the lib war can be a matter of research.  He says he killed thousands of Paki soldiers during that period of nine months, but during about sixteen years after 1975 coup,  he 'fought against Bangladesh Govt.' and could not kill even a mosquito.  A hero indeed, in spite of being arrested twice by the Indian army and set free by the personal intervention of Tajuddin Ahmed.

2012/12/24 SyedAslam <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com>
 

মুক্তিযুদ্ধে অংশ নিয়ে গুনাহ করেছি: কাদের সিদ্দিকী

নিজস্ব মতিবেদক

মুক্তিযুদ্ধ অংশগ্রহন করে পরম গুনাহর কাজ করেছেন বলে মনে করেন এক কালের বাঘা বাঙালি কাদের সিদ্দিকী। কালের বিবর্তনে বর্তমানে তিনি ছাগু বাঙালিতে রূপান্তরিত হয়েছেন বলে জানান।

হাতে তসবিহ নিয়ে আল্লাহপাকের নাম স্মরন করতে করতে আবেগঘন কন্ঠে তিনি বলেন, যৌবন কালে সকলেই ভুল ভ্রান্তি করে। মুক্তিযুদ্ধে অংশ নেওয়াটা ছিলো আমার যৌবনের ভুল। আমি সবার কাছে ক্ষমাপ্রার্থি। তবে সবার আগে আমি ক্ষমা চাই আল্লাহপাকের কাছে। ইয়া পরওয়ারদিগার, আমি তখন নাদান ছিলাম, না বুঝে মুক্তিযুদ্ধ নামের হুজুগে মেতেছিলাম, আমাকে মাফ করো। আমি বাকি জীবন দিগন্ত টিভির অনুষ্ঠানে অংশ নিয়ে এবং তোমার ইবাদত-বন্দেগি করে কাটাবো … বলতে বলতে তার চোখ ছলছল করে ওঠে।

মুক্তিযুদ্ধের পাপ খন্ডাচ্ছেন কাদের সিদ্দিকী

মুক্তিযুদ্ধে অংশ নিয়ে ভুল করেছিলেন, সেই উপলব্ধি আপনার কখন আসে? মতিবেদকের এই প্রশ্নের জবাবে তিনি বলেন, মুক্তিযুদ্ধ করে আমি কিছুই পাই নাই। ধনসম্পদ বাড়ি গাড়ি করতে পারি নাই। তাই জামায়াতের টেকাটুকা খাওয়ার পর আমার উপলব্ধি হয়, আমি মুক্তিযুদ্ধ অংশ নিয়ে গুনাহ করেছি। সেই টেকাটুকা হালাল করতে আমি এখন যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের বিচার ঠেকানোর যুদ্ধে নেমেছি। কারন আমি এখন তাদের সিদ্দিকী।

http://motikontho.wordpress.com/category/%E0%A6%A6%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%B6-%E0%A6%93-%E0%A6%B0%E0%A6%BE%E0%A6%9C%E0%A6%A8%E0%A7%80%E0%A6%A4%E0%A6%BF/

Also Read:

আমিনী আগে বেহেস্তে যাওয়ায় ক্ষুব্ধ গোলাম আজম:

http://motikontho.wordpress.com/2012/12/14/%E0%A6%86%E0%A6%AE%E0%A6%BF%E0%A6%A8%E0%A7%80-%E0%A6%86%E0%A6%97%E0%A7%87-%E0%A6%AC%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%B9%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%B8%E0%A7%8D%E0%A6%A4%E0%A7%87-%E0%A6%AF%E0%A6%BE%E0%A6%93%E0%A6%AF%E0%A6%BC/

জনগনের অধিকার সমুন্নত রাখি: মাহমুদুর:















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Re: [mukto-mona] FW: Who spawned communalism in India?



The Brits left India as a part of implementation of the Potsdam Agreement.  The second world war had left them with a shortage in personnel to administer the colonies.  They had left significant business interest in mainland India, to protect which they needed to breed animosity in the subcontinent, they sure did not give birth to it.  Thus Pakistan was born as a beating stick to India.  Wali Khan believed Pakistan was created to extend the crescent of protection against the expansive soviet empire.  Most of the Indian Ashrafs did not opt for Pakistan, descendants of the Tayabjee family, King of Bhopal, Bade Golam Ali Khan to name a few.  Even Julfi Bhutto demanded his Indian citizenship back in late 1960s to get hold of his paternal property.  Rafiq Zakaria believed a civil war of American style could have solved the cessation of the land named Pakistan from India.  But Nehru wanted no 'carbuncle on his posterior'.  Creation of Pakistan has not raised Muslim influence in the subcontinent.  Even Mountbatten opined in 1971, "Had we predicted the fast rise of China as a regional power, we would have left India undivided"  His one sentence spoke volumes about the real situation.

On Mon, Dec 24, 2012 at 9:15 PM, Shah Deeldar <shahdeeldar@yahoo.com> wrote:
 

English used us for their advantage as we used them to strengthen our own bargaining positions. Under English rule, Muslims could not call all their shorts while Hindus started to feel getting back their past glory and freedom. It was a good symbiotic relation except Muslims getting the short end of the stick. And that culminated the idea of Pakistan. It might have been only a bargaining ploy but it became a total reality because Muslim wanted that way. If it did not happen then, it would have happened by now.

-SD


 
"All great truths begin as blasphemies." GBS

From: "qrahman@netscape.net" <qrahman@netscape.net>
To: mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Sunday, December 23, 2012 1:25 PM

Subject: Re: [mukto-mona] FW: Who spawned communalism in India?

 
Even the Qur'an and the Bible say, there were clashes between people since creation. I am sure Indian sub-continent seen some clashes before the Brits started ruling India.

HOWEVER the difference between these periods is common Indians used to trust their leaders as someone tried to be fair to them.

When the British ruled, they cleverly picked, Mir Zafars among people and put them against each other in a planned way.

Hisotry tells us, there were Muslim Isa Khan fighting Akbar for territory and Hindus fighting others for expanding their own kingdom as well.

The difference is with the British, they made it their "Policy" to keep Indians divided as long as possible.

As Maulana Azad mentioned (In his book), even Jinnah did not want to "Break up" India but wanted to use "Concept of Pakistan" as a bargaining chip but the Brits were able to plant to seed of distrust among common Hindus and Muslims.

Hope members understand it a little better. No need to argue over couple of words.

Shalom!


-----Original Message-----
From: Shah Deeldar <shahdeeldar@yahoo.com>
To: mukto-mona <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>; bangladesh-progressives <bangladesh-progressives@googlegroups.com>
Sent: Sun, Dec 23, 2012 5:23 am
Subject: Re: [mukto-mona] FW: Who spawned communalism in India?

 
Needless to say that the tribalism is in our genes. No population has escaped from this embedded human trait, no matter how civilized they have become with many artificial mental exercises. This interesting trait plays two antagonist roles. It unites initially and when enough differences are generated within a homogeneous population, it forces people to split and spread for resource and survival. We can go back to few thousands years of human history and we will never find a harmonious and peaceful time for us, humans. Never! It basically boils down to fight the intruders, flee from them or submit to their will.

Any idiot would know that communalism did exist prior to 1857. Brits did not introduce it to our innocent Indian angels. The djin was not even bottled before English came. It was there but the idiots have become far more detached and nostalgic for an era that they never experienced themselves. It must have been a harmonious period because Hindus/Muslims fought against the Brits? Total crap!  It is basically an utter stupidity for many feeble minded people, who love to feel good about themselves than taking responsibilities for their own shortcomings and actions. English were opportunists but they saved Indian subcontinent from a  true disaster that needs no mentioning. They were blessings in disguise!

-SD  

 
"All great truths begin as blasphemies." GBS

From: Jiten Roy <jnrsr53@yahoo.com>
To: mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Saturday, December 22, 2012 1:28 PM
Subject: Re: [mukto-mona] FW: Who spawned communalism in India?

 
Dr. Das is right - communality existed between different sects, races, castes, etc. since the beginning of the mankind, and communal clash between ordinary citizens has been occurring since the beginning.
Now, Hindu-Muslim religious communality in India was introduced by Muslim invaders, not British; Mughal emperors used it to garner support, just like British did. British only exploited it to the fullest extent. Therefore, blaming British for introducing communality in India is a willful misinterpretation of the truth to support a propaganda campaign by some vested interest groups. Anyone with open mind should not miss this fact.
Jiten Roy
 

--- On Sat, 12/22/12, subimal chakrabarty <subimal@yahoo.com> wrote:

From: subimal chakrabarty <subimal@yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: [mukto-mona] FW: Who spawned communalism in India?
To: "mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com" <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Saturday, December 22, 2012, 12:08 PM

 
1. Let us assume that Das has quoted Vivekananda correctly and do some math. 600 million Hindus in 1200 (ref. Firestha by Das) and 200 million in 1700 (ref. Das). That means even with zero growth rate, India has lost 400 million Hindus in 500 years! After taking into account human loss due to epidemics, natural calamities, famines, wars, murders, exportation as slaves (as suggested by Das), etc., a low 1% growth may not be unrealistic. Assuming 1% growth, 600 million would have reached about 87000 million or 8700  crore whereas current total population in the subcontinent is about 160 crore. Even with a half percent growth rate, population in 1700 should have been 726 crore. Obviously percentage of Muslim population in India has grown to about 30-35% since the Muslims started settling in India. We need to have some number sense let alone common sense and judgment before we thrust numbers in the discussion group. Then only we should talk about the various factors that caused such a Muslim population growth of from 0% to 35% over the last say 1500 years.
 
2. Bloody clashes between tribes, clans, different lingual groups, sects, and religions were definitely not absent. We see this kind of clash even now. Katzu talked about communalism which was almost absent in 1857. He asserts that about 80% of both Hindus and Muslims are now communal. Here we are talking about communal clashes (or communal killings by the majority instigated by the rulers, if not by the rulers directly) which is the worst form of communalism. I personally believe (based on my limited study) that this communalism was partially and consciously created by the British using the Divide and Rule Policy to make a political divide in the subcontinent. Not only British, any ruler does that and we common people swallow that poison pill. The evidence is a divided India.      

From: Kamal Das <kamalctgu@gmail.com>
To: mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Friday, December 21, 2012 11:04 PM
Subject: Re: [mukto-mona] FW: Who spawned communalism in India?
 
On the contrary, there were communal clashes wherever and whenever possible among the believers of different religions and subgroups of the same religion.  British did not have to spawn them.  The new converts might retain remnants of the old faith, conversion alone does not explain the remarkable decrease in the non Muslim population of India, mass slaughter and deportation as slaves abroad can.  Remember, over a period of roughly five hundred years, the number decreased by four hundred millions.
On Sat, Dec 22, 2012 at 8:03 AM, Jiten Roy <jnrsr53@yahoo.com> wrote:
 
"There is no denying the fact that Muslim rulers like Mahmud of Ghazni looted and destroyed temples and killed Hindus and to do these they used their soldiers. But are there any historical evidences of communal clashes between two groups of ordinary citizens that we see now? "

Mr. Chakraborty should know why there were no communal clashes among ordinary citizens during early Muslim period. One reason is - ordinary Muslims were recent converts, and many of them still maintained their ancestral last names and heritages. Another reason is - there was no need for communal clashes, because Muslim rulers were committing communal persecution on Hindus already. When a ruler or a commune attacks another commune on the basis of religion, it's a communal attack, not a communal clash. Mr. Chakraborty can rest assured that – there is no communal clash in Bangladesh also.    

Jiten Roy


--- On Fri, 12/21/12, Kamal Das <kamalctgu@gmail.com> wrote:

From: Kamal Das <kamalctgu@gmail.com>
Subject: Re: [mukto-mona] FW: Who spawned communalism in India?
To: mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com
Date: Friday, December 21, 2012, 8:07 PM
 
Among the ordinary citizens, not even five percent were Muslims.  If you had eyes on your forehead, and brain in your skull, you could find out that communal tension and clash existed in other forms.  Hinduism was never one religion.  In case of Bertrand Russell, I told you to read his autobiography.  Only reason, you might not have done it is that you don't spend money to buy books.  I quoted Vivekananda(because he was acceptable to you) who in his turn quoted Firestha to prove that Muslims did indeed decimate the non-Muslims mercilessly.  (I did it as you would not consider western reference authentic.  Where do you live, by the way?  If you don't find them worth trusting, should you not leave the area where they dominate?) When you find them of a very peaceful nature, you seem to forget the history of the Khiljis, Mughals, Nadir Shah, Ahmad Shah Durrani to name a few.  Even when King Dahir fell in Sindh to Mohammad bin Kasim due to the treachery of the Purohits, he had to send the virgin daughters of Dahir to his uncle commander.  Those poor women played a trick to take revenge.  They claimed that they were raped before being sent.  The uncle ordered his nephew to be brought to him in a skin bag sewed airtight.

Those who consider such manner civilized have nothing but rotten brain and is not worth a discussion of any variety.  Such uncivil manners are countless in Islam, the so called religion of peace.

Please spend a little time and money to learn.  There are enough resources around you.
  As you call me 'self claimed omniscient person', and Rahman a voracious (I suppose he chews the pages as food) reader, you should look for resources to any place but me.
On Fri, Dec 21, 2012 at 10:17 AM, Subimal Chakrabarty <subimal@yahoo.com> wrote:
 
We have seen before that Das has least faith in Vivekananda. Now we see that Vivekananda is quotable to him. But that's O.K. But figures seem to be absurd. What happened? Hindus got killed by Muslim rulers or they converted to Islam? But Hindu and Muslim populations have not reversed during these five centuries! 
I would request Das to provide us with more details. I hope he will not ignore my request as he did in case of Bertrand Russell. 
There is no denying the fact that Muslim rulers like Mahmud of Ghazni looted and destroyed temples and killed Hindus and to do these they used their soldiers. But are there any historical evidences of communal clashes between two groups of ordinary citizens that we see now?  Sent from my iPhone
On Dec 19, 2012, at 7:17 PM, Kamal Das <kamalctgu@gmail.com> wrote:
 
I do not cite Western references always, though they are more dependable than others.  Vivekananda cited Firestha, a Muslim historian of late twelfth century, and wrote the Hindu population was then 600 millions, during the Muslim rule it became 200 million in roughly five hundred years of Muslim rule.  Communal clash in India is a recent phenomenon, because before the British rule, it was one sided slaughter of Buddhists, Hindus and Sikhs(who might have called themselves Shaikh to save their butts) committed by the Muslim rulers.  When somebody, a child of a spineless convert, calls Muslim rule peaceful, it is a tolerable lie.  The person suffers from identity crisis.  When an outright idiot of Katzu/Chakrabarty variety also believes such things, how and why does he think he has an opinion.  Instead of taking Katzu seriously, you should read Anwar Shaikh, a former rioter in favor of Muslims who became apostate.  He rightly points out the spinelessness of Hindus and the slaughter committed by Muslims on them through ages.

Am I 'nakedly' attacking anybody differing in opinion with me?  Are these empty heads worth my attack?
On Wed, Dec 19, 2012 at 9:15 AM, Subimal Chakrabarty <subimal@yahoo.com> wrote:
 
Why is this Kamal guy like this? He is nakedly attacking every one with whom he differs in opinion. He seems to be a worshipper of orientalists. All his evidences come from orientalist sources. 
Instead of attacking me personally he should have done a little research to find why Katzu has opinions as presented in the article. My comment was based on my understanding of what he meant by communalism. I don't have to read Jadunath Sarkar to find that some Muslim rulers destroyed temples, killed innocent non-Muslims, and do on. Everybody knows it. But communal clash between Hindus and Muslims in general seems to be a recent phenomenon. To this has been added Hindu-Sikh and Hindu-Muslim clashes. While clash is the most extreme manifestation of communalism, we see other forms too. Katzu is right that this communalism is a great obstacle to economic progress. 
It is a thought provoking article and should be taken seriously.  Sent from my iPhone
On Dec 18, 2012, at 5:14 AM, Kamal Das <kamalctgu@gmail.com> wrote:
 
There was no communalism in India before 1857???!!!  Read Jadu Nath Sarker on the topic.  Communalism was at it's zenith during the Muslim rule.  The Chittorgarh fort alone was burnt thrice, last time by the 'non-communal' Akbar 'the Great'.  Over twelve thousand women had to drink poison and commit suicide in burning pyres.  Have you no sense of shame, if not any sense of history?  How were the Rajputs, Marathis and Sikhs crushed by the Muslim rulers?  In the Sultan period alone, eighty million Hindu heads rolled, countless women were sold as slaves.  Only non communal ruler among the Muslims, I suppose, was King Wazid Ali Shah of Oudh.  Even that was during the British rule.  Had the British not come, your fore fathers would have to chose between losing head or foreskin.

Do yourself a little favor, don a round white cap and never again exhibit your ignorance.  Muktomona forum, I believe, is not for those who have lost their minds.
On Tue, Dec 18, 2012 at 9:12 AM, Subimal Chakrabarty <subimal@yahoo.com> wrote:
 
AMU does not seem to be a factor as Katzu has said that 80 percent of both Hindus and Muslims have fallen victims to the evil designs of the British rulers. My opinion is that 80 percent is too big a number. It is only a big fraction of the educated people who are proactively communal. Ordinary people are least communal. 
There is nothing wrong in being communal as long as intention is not to favor people of one's own community unjustifiably and harm the members of a perceived rival community without a valid reason. 
The Divide and Rule policy that British adopted to rule India has been pointed to by others also. There was no communalism before 1857---seems to be true to me when I look at all the major communal riots between Hindus and Muslims, Muslims and Sikhs, and Hindus and Sikhs all of which happened over the last 100 years. 
Sent from my iPhone
On Dec 17, 2012, at 7:05 PM, Kamal Das <kamalctgu@gmail.com> wrote:
 
Justice Katzu has delivered a politically correct speech in the environment of Aligar Muslim University.  Only fools would take his speech seriously.  There is not much truth in it.  Communalism existed in India even from ancient times.  The concept of any religion considering itself superior to others is the root of communalism.
On Tue, Dec 18, 2012 at 6:29 AM, Jiten Roy <jnrsr53@yahoo.com> wrote:
 

"He said that he had no hesitation to state that politicians had played a major role in spreading this poison deeper for serving their own vote bank politics."
 
British may have fomented communalism in the Indian-subcontinent, but – the torch-bearers of communalism from then on have been our good politicians. I don't blame British so much; they did what they thought Indians will bite, and they did. It worked so well that Indians started to chew thumbs for 200 years, and British started to rule the country even though it was not their initial intent. Therefore, if we want to blame anybody for communalism, we have to blame our politicians; they can't seem to have enough of it.
Justice Markandey Katju is right – those who are real instigators of communalism never get punished. Only the foot soldiers of communalism get punished, not the queen-bees, who trade communalism. In Bangladesh, politicians use communalism for politics. While Awami League uses communalism covertly, BNP uses communalism nakedly; it's a part of BNP political strategy.
How can we ever end communalism, if the queen-bee of communalism controls the power structure?
Jiten Roy
 

--- On Sun, 12/16/12, Farida Majid <farida_majid@hotmail.com> wrote:

From: Farida Majid <farida_majid@hotmail.com>
Subject: [mukto-mona] FW: Who spawned communalism in India?
To: mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com
Cc: "alapon@yahoogroups.com" <alapon@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Sunday, December 16, 2012, 6:58 AM
 
  I sincerely believe in this statement which can be applicable to Pakistan and Bangladesh as well:<< Katju said, "India's steep decline on the tragic path of communalism can be reversed and the country can become one of the greatest industrial powers in the world if the educated Indians accept the challenge of demolishing the demon of communalism from the country. India can only thrive and become strong if the edifice of secularism becomes the cornerstone in the everyday life of the common man."  >>
T Date: Sun, 16 Dec 2012 09:49:05 +0800 Subject: [india-unity] Who spawned communalism in India? 

British spawned communalism. History books doctored?: Justice Katju

December 15, 2012 by admin   
Justice Markandey Katju delivering the lecture at the Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh
Justice Markandey Katju delivering the lecture at the Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh
Uttar Pradesh, December 13, 2012: Addressing a huge gathering at the Kennedy Auditorium organized by the Aligarh Muslim University Chapter of the Progressive Writers' Association, the Chairman of the Press Council of India, Justice (Retd.) Markandey Katju asserted that in 1857, there was almost zero percent communalism in the country while today 80% of both Hindus and Muslims had fallen prey to the devil's designs.
Quoting extensively from historical documents, Katju said, "There is a plethora of documentary evidence available including correspondence between different Viceroys and British government, which makes it clear that history books were deliberately doctored by the British rulers to spawn communalism in India."
Katju said, "India's steep decline on the tragic path of communalism can be reversed and the country can become one of the greatest industrial powers in the world if the educated Indians accept the challenge of demolishing the demon of communalism from the country. India can only thrive and become strong if the edifice of secularism becomes the cornerstone in the everyday life of the common man."
He added that it might take a few decades for the people to grasp the full reality of the roots of Hindu-Muslim conflict which was engineered by the British as a deliberate state policy for maintaining the British hold over India.
Making a point, Justice Katju declared that the real tragedy was that while the British sowed the seeds of discords in hearts and minds of the people, after independence agent provocateurs were continuing this nefarious policy. He said that he had no hesitation to state that politicians had played a major role in spreading this poison deeper for serving their own vote bank politics.
Referring to the ongoing battle against terror in the Indian Subcontinent, Katju said that there was ample evidence to suggest that whenever incidents of terror took place in India, very frequently innocent Muslim youth were randomly picked up by the security forces. This is not only unjust but also helps the actual perpetrators of such heinous crimes from esca







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