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Thursday, May 12, 2011

[ALOCHONA] Statement From Professor Muhammad Yunus, Managing Director, Grameen Bank, May 12, 2011 [ Bangla & English ]



 

Bangla-Resign-Letter-of-Pro.gif

May 12, 2011

Handing-over of the Charge of Managing Director

I am today relinquishing the post of Managing Director of Grameen Bank on the basis that the Deputy Managing Director Mrs. Nurjahan Begum would hold charge until a Managing Director is appointed  in accordance with the procedures under section 14 of the Grameen Bank ordinance. Since the board of  Grameen Bank is my appointing authority, it may take appropriate steps.

I have still not received the Appellate Division's full order. I am taking this step without prejudice to the legal issues raised before the Supreme Court, and in order to prevent undue disruption of the activities of Grameen Bank and to ensure my colleagues and our 8 million members, and owners of the bank, are not subjected to any difficulty in discharging their responsibilities.

I hope Grameen Bank will continue to operate maintaining its independence and character under the Grameen Bank Ordinance and move towards even greater success.

 

(Signed)

(Dr. Muhammad Yunus)

Managing Director

Grameen Bank

 

----
Jannat E Quanine
General Manager
Information & Media Co-Ordination.
Grameen Bank

Website: http://www.grameen.com
                    http://www.grameen-info.org

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[ALOCHONA] Muhammad Yunus: the time has come to act



Muhammad Yunus: the time has come to act

Nick Stace explains why the UK government needs to take a firmer stand against Bangladesh's persecution of the micro-credit pioneer, Muhammad Yunus.

"They said they would kill me if I don't call off the protests. They beat me with sticks. I begged for my life. They broke my hands and left me in a field." These are the words of Sagir Rashid Chowdhury, the chairman of the Employee Association of Grameen Bank, who last week was brutally beaten at the hands of thugs for supporting Professor Yunus and the work of Grameen in Bangladesh. Since I last wrote on the subject, there has been an escalation in the Bangladeshi government's resolve to rubbish and ruin Yunus and his supporters, intended to pave the way for the government's take-over of Grameen, which various sources say is now underway.

At the same time and with similar resolve, support for Yunus, known as "the banker of the poor", has become unstoppable, with 3.7 million people now having signed a petition; Mary Robinson leading Friends of Grameen with a powerful international coalition of supporters; and the French and American governments speaking up for Yunus at the highest levels. Privately, the UK government has also said it is sympathetic.

One might expect such an outpouring of support for a Nobel Laureate, but the intransigence on the part of the Bangladeshi government is perhaps more surprising. The stand-off stems from two events, one in 2006, the other in 2007, that upset the Bangladeshi prime minister, Sheikh Hasina. The first was that Yunus, not Hasina, received the Nobel Prize; the second, that Yunus was pushed to consider setting up a political party to challenge corruption in Bangladesh. Apparently Hasina has not forgiven Yunus and more recently she has called Yunus an "enemy of the country".

Hasina's bid to remove Yunus from Grameen started with the forced appointment of a new chair of Grameen whose first task was to sack Yunus on spurious grounds of age (he is 70). Yunus went to court to overturn the decision and then to appeal, and in both cases he lost. For a country at the top of the list of the most corrupt, it is perhaps unsurprising that the legal system kowtowed to the ruling party and that sinister forces on the ground have been allowed, even encouraged, to intimidate Grameen supporters since then.

The government's motives are clear and their methods are blatantly transparent, but of course only to those that know. For others, seeds of doubt circulate when accusations are made, legal cases are presented and stories about unscrupulous micro-credit lenders circulate. Mud sticks and some people less noble or less knowledgeable start to believe that there must be some truth in what is said. And perhaps most disheartening is that however effective the domestic and international opposition to the Bangladeshi government has been, it has been able to carry on regardless.

What is at stake is the future of Grameen Bank, its independence and integrity, and the rights of 8.6 million women borrowers who own 96.5 per cent of the share capital of Grameen Bank and who have elected among themselves nine directors to sit on the board.

It's so personal that even the son of Sheikh Hasina, Sajeeb, a US-based businessman, is also taking a keen interest. Sajeeb recently sent an email stating that Grameen Bank had been created by the government, not Yunus and that it had not helped anybody, given that 30 years after its creation Bangladesh is still one of the poorest countries in the world. The email also showed how interested the government is in taking control of Grameen Telecom with its 28 million subscribers. Sajeeb signed off his email as an "adviser to the prime minister of Bangladesh".

Following the false allegations that Yunus and Grameen had misappropriated funds (mentioned in my last piece), the Bangladeshi minister of finance set up a review which has now concluded that Yunus had done nothing wrong and that Grameen has the lowest interest rates in the whole micro finance industry in Bangladesh. However the report also states that the women on the board of Grameen must be replaced with more "educated and competent people" and the government should increase its shareholding across the Grameen businesses. From recent reports, it seems increasingly likely that this is their plan.

The government's takeover of the entire network of Grameen social businesses is driven by jealousy, greed, corruption and incompetence. Its own track record in running banks and the stock exchange has seen institutionalised corruption alongside a catalogue of failures. Just recently dozens of government-related officers were found to be insider trading before a market collapse in February.

If you accept former British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin's view that foreign policy "is common sense and humanity as it applies to my affairs and yours", then some form of intervention from governments around the world could be the answer.

Possibly the most influential voice would be Britain, not because of historical ties (which may actually be counter-productive) but because of the announcement earlier this year that the Department for International Development will invest a record billion pounds in Bangladesh over the next four years. Britain also has strong trading ties with Bangladesh. Some quiet diplomacy initially, followed by more vocal challenge if necessary, might be the intervention that is required.

In many ways this is a real test for the UK government, given their approach is to give more aid to a fewer number of countries in order to have a bigger impact. Poverty relief will be set back a generation in Bangladesh if Grameen is not allowed to operate independently. UK aid may end up mopping up some of the damage caused to people who benefit from Grameen social businesses, rather than further alleviating poverty. The UK government needs to speak out to defend Grameen and Yunus because the legacy as well as the future of Grameen, alongside the impact of British aid, is at risk.

As Martin Luther King once said, "Almost always the creative dedicated minority has made the world better," and there is no question in my mind, to the women owners of Grameen, to the millions of Yunus supporters from around the world, that Yunus is that creative genius. But my greatest fear is that it also only takes a dedicated and destructive minority to make the world a worse place. There are moments in history when it is possible to look back and say that we should have, we could have or we did make a difference; I hope this is a moment when the determination of Yunus and his supporters, alongside the intervention of a few at the highest level, makes a real difference for the people of Bangladesh.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/personalfinance/offshorefinance/8508900/Muhammad-Yunus-the-time-has-come-to-act.html


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[ALOCHONA] Re: Sarmila Bose on Bangladesh Liberation War



 


 

Bangladesh war of 1971 Myth-busting Piece by Sarmila Bose in Al Jazeera.net :

Farida Majid

 

Here we have Sarmila Bose whining on and on against the 'dominant narrative' and pushing her insubstantial book, Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War, as a scholarly work that is meant to bust the myth of Bangladesh war of independence in 1971. Her book's spin is strung around a few instances of atrocities committed by Mukti fighters upon non-Bengali collaborators of Pakistan at the time. No one denies those cruel acts of retaliation. All wars are cruel and ugly. But by themselves those acts, or her other fieldwork denying widespread rape and murder (questioning the occurrence of any rape by Pakistani soldiers since she could not get figures of exact date, time and place of each sexual assault), have not been able to disprove any of the well-known incidences of crimes against humanity committed by an uniformed, fully equipped with modern arms and ammunition, professionally trained Pakistani army and its Bengali collaborators in 1971. I doubt whether any of the 'uncomfortable truth' she has unearthed could be presented at a War Crimes Tribunal as legal defense against the charges brought by the Prosecution at such a Tribunal.

 

The harder Sarmila Bose whines about the 'dominant narrative' the fuzzier gets her rationale for wanting to debunk it.  Her citing of the example of Lara Logan, the CBS correspondent haplessly caught in the melee of Tahrir Square in Cairo in the spring uprising of 2011, shows to what pathetic extent Bose lacks sympathy and imagination in assessing the overall reality of people's struggle for freedom from oppression. Such struggles in the annals of history are messy, never picture-book perfect. Sarmila though is unforgiving, and is too mean-spirited to tolerate "freedom and democracy-loving people rising up against oppressive dictators."  She has to take up the arms of a 'scholarly study' to bust the myth!


What is the 'myth' that she is so anxious to bust?


Is genocide in Bangladesh, 1971, a myth?


If it is a myth then are we to understand, after Ms Bose's so-called 'research' and report, that genocide did not take place at all in 1971 in the then East Pakistan?  The "dominant narrative" is all about partisan exaggeration and no one in the international community but her could detect the "uncomfortable truth" in all these 40 years.


Who does she mean by those "who have profited for so long from mythologising the history of 1971"?
Does she mean the people of Bangladesh, the world's eighth most populous nation? Does 'profit' mean gaining the sovereignty and independence as a nation?

 

If so, then all nations who have had to fight for independence from a colonized condition ought to be labeled as having "profited from mythologizing history." And that would include United States of America.

Go tell an American that the chronicles of wars and battles fought in the American War of Independence during 1775-1783 are all mythologised history, and hence a 'dominant narrative', a myth that is in dire need of busting!
 
Let us remind ourselves of the announcement of Gen. Yahya Khan at a radio interview at the launching of the Operation Searchlight in March, 1971 in East Pakistan: "We will kill three million of them, and they will eat out of our hands!" The number –3 million – is immaterial, though admittedly there is an irresolvable argument that swirls around it.  What is legally relevant here, however, is the clear expression of goal and intent to commit genocide by Pak military apparatus in East Pakistan.

 

New evidences are emerging, not just from the victims of the war crimes of 1971, but from the perpetrators themselves. Eye witnesses and personal encounters from among the Pakistani military personnel are coming up with accounts of General Niazi, General Rao Farman Ali, et al, exhibiting fierce anti-Bengali racism that underscored activities against unarmed, unthreatening civilians. Such activities were regarded as reprehensive by even the soldiers who carried out the orders because they violated the rules and norms of engagement in warfare. Several books have come out over the years by various Pakistani army personnel including one by the infamous General Niazi.  They are all replete with quotations and records of utter racial contempt for the Bengalis of East Pakistan on the part of top brass military officers in the Pakistani army who wanted at least a partial destruction of the whole race of Bengalis as a punitive measure for their rebellion.

 

We can then proceed to take a peek at the following U. N. Convetion:
 

Excerpt from the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide (For full text click here)

 

"Article II:  In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
 

(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

 

Article III:  The following acts shall be punishable:
 

(a) Genocide;
(b) Conspiracy to commit genocide;
(c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide;
(d) Attempt to commit genocide;
(e) Complicity in genocide. "

                             
http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/05/20115983958114219.html

On Tue, May 10, 2011 at 7:45 AM, Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com> wrote:
Myth-busting the Bangladesh war of 1971

An author discusses her new book about the historical narratives of the 1971 civil war that broke up East Pakistan.

Sarmila Bose

Guerilla fighters of the Mukti Bahini prepare to bayonet men who collaborated with the Pakistani army during East Pakistan's fight to become the independent state of Bangladesh [GALLO/GETTY]

Last month, Al Jazeera published an article entitled Book, film greeted with fury among Bengalis. Here, Sarmila Bose, author of Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War, responds to the criticism levelled at her work.

In all the excitement about the "Arab spring" it is instructive to remember the 1971 war in South Asia. Then too there was a military regime in Pakistan, easily identified as the "baddies" -  and a popular uprising in its rebellious Eastern province, where Bengali nationalists were reported to be peacefully seeking freedom, democracy and human rights.

When the regime used military force to crush the rebellion in East Pakistan, India intervened like a knight to the rescue, resulting in the defeat of the bad guys, victory for the good guys and the independence of Bangladesh... Or so the story went for forty years. I grew up with it in Calcutta. It was widely repeated in the international press.

Several years ago I decided to chronicle a number of incidents of the 1971 war in-depth. I observed that many Bangladeshis were aggrieved that the world seemed to have forgotten the terrible trauma of the birth of their nation. Given the scale of the suffering, that lack of memory certainly appeared to be unfair, but there did not seem to be many detailed studies of the war - without which the world could not be expected to remember, or understand, what had happened in 1971.

My aim was to record as much as possible of what seemed to be a much-commented-on but poorly documented conflict - and to humanise it, so that the war could be depicted in terms of the people who were caught up in it, and not just faceless statistics. I hoped that the detailed documentation of what happened at the human level on the ground would help to shed some light on the conflict as a whole.

The principal tool of my study was memories. I read all available memoirs and reminiscences, in both English and Bengali. But I also embarked on extensive fieldwork, finding and talking to people who were present at many particular incidents, whether as participants, victims or eye-witnesses. Crucially, I wanted to hear the stories from multiple sources, including people on different sides of the war, so as to get as balanced and well-rounded a reconstruction as possible.

As soon as I started to do systematic research on the 1971 war, I found that there was a problem with the story which I had grown up believing: from the evidence that emanated from the memories of all sides at the ground level, significant parts of the "dominant narrative" seem not to have been true. Many "facts" had been exaggerated, fabricated, distorted or concealed. Many people in responsible positions had repeated unsupported assertions without a thought; some people seemed to know that the nationalist mythologies were false and yet had done nothing to inform the public. I had thought I would be chronicling the details of the story of 1971 with which I had been brought up, but I found instead that there was a different story to be told.

Product of research

My book Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War, the product of several years of fieldwork based research, has just been published (Hurst and Co. and Columbia University Press). It focuses on the bitter fratricidal war within the province of East Pakistan over a period of a little more than a year, rather than the open "hot" war between India and Pakistan towards the end. It brings together, for the first time, the memories of dozens of people from each side of the conflict who were present in East Pakistan during the war. It lets the available evidence tell the stories. It has been described as a work that "will set anew the terms of debate" about this war.

Even before anyone has had the chance to read it, Dead Reckoning has been attracting comment, some of it of a nature that according to an observer would make the very reception of my book a subject of "taboo studies". "Myth-busting" works that undermine nationalist mythology, especially those that have gone unchallenged for several decades, are clearly not to be undertaken by the faint-hearted. The book has received gratifying praise from scholars and journalists who read the advance copies, but the word "courageous" cropped up with ominous frequency in many of the reviews. Some scholars praised my work in private; others told me to prepare for the flak that was bound to follow. One "myth-busting" scholar was glad my book was out at last, as I would now sweep up at the unpopularity stakes and she would get some respite after enduring several years of abuse.

Scholars and investigative journalists have an important role in "busting" politically partisan narratives. And yet, far too often we all fall for the seductive appeal of a simplistic "good versus evil" story, or fail to challenge victors' histories.

So far the story of valiant rebels fighting oppressive dictators in the so-called "Arab spring" has had one significant blemish - the vicious sexual attack and attempted murder of CBS foreign correspondent Lara Logan by dozens of men celebrating the downfall of Hosni Mubarak in Tahrir Square in Cairo. It initially vanished from the headlines and has still not led to the kind of questioning of the representation of such conflicts that it should have generated. "Tahrir Square" became shorthand for freedom and democracy-loving people rising up against oppressive dictators.

People in other countries started to say they wanted their own "Tahrir Square". Logan has given a brave and graphic account of what happened to her at the hands of those supposedly celebrating the fall of a dictator and the coming of freedom, democracy and human rights. Her life was saved by burqa-clad Egyptian women and she was rescued by soldiers. Her account endows "Tahrir Square" with an entirely different meaning.

It should caution us against assuming that all those opposing an oppressive regime are champions of non-violence, democracy or human rights. It should alert us to the complexities of political power struggles and civil war, and stop getting carried away by what we imagine is happening, or would like to happen, rather than what the evidence supports.

Such was the impact of the 1971 war on South Asians that the year has transformed into a shorthand for its particular symbolism: 1971, or ekattor, the number 71 in Bengali, has come to stand for a simple equation of a popular nationalist uprising presumed to embody liberal democratic values battling brutal repression by a military dictatorship. But was it really as simple as that? Over time, the victorious Bangladeshi nationalist side's narrative of Pakistani villainy and Bengali victimhood became entrenched through unquestioned repetition.

The losing side of Pakistani nationalists had its own myth-making, comprising vast Indian plots. Pakistan had been carved out of the British Empire in India as a homeland for South Asia's Muslims. It was a problematic idea from the start - a large proportion of Muslims chose to remain in secular and pluralistic India, for instance, and its two parts, West Pakistan and East Pakistan, were separated by a thousand miles of a hostile India. In 1971 the idea of Islam as the basis of nationhood came apart in South Asia along with the country of Pakistan, after a mere 23 years of existence. What went wrong? And what do the memories of those who were there reveal about the reality of that war?

The publication of Dead Reckoning has spoiled the day for those who had been peddling their respective nationalist mythologies undisturbed for so long. Careers have been built - in politics, media, academia and development - on a particular telling of the 1971 war. All the warring parties of 1971 remain relentlessly partisan in recounting the conflict. As the dominant narrative, which has gained currency around the world, is that of the victorious Bangladeshi nationalists and their Indian allies, they stand to lose the most in any unbiased appraisal. Unsurprisingly therefore, the protests from this section are the shrillest.

Mixed reaction

The reaction to the publication of Dead Reckoning by those who feel threatened by it has followed a predictable path. First, there has been an attempt to damn the book before it was even available. Apart from random rants on the internet - which provides opportunity for anyone to rail against anything - reports have been written by people who haven't read the book, citing other people who also haven't read the book. The reason for this may be summed up as the well-founded fear of "knowledge is power".

When people read the book they will be far better informed as to what really happened in 1971. Hence the desperate attempt by those who have been spinning their particular yarns for so long to try to smear the book before anyone gets the chance to read it. A few people also seem to be trying to laud the book before reading it, an equally meaningless exercise. These commentaries are easy to dismiss: clearly, those who haven't read the book have nothing of value to say about it.

Second, detractors of the book claim that it exonerates the military from atrocities committed in East Pakistan in 1971. In reality the book details over several chapters many cases of atrocities committed by the regime's forces, so anyone who says it excuses the military's brutalities is clearly lying. The question is - why are they lying about something that will easily be found out as soon as people start reading the book? The answer to this question is more complex than it might seem. Of course the detractors hope that by making such claims they will stop people from reading the book.

Part of the answer lies also in that the book corrects some of the absurd exaggerations about the army's actions with which Bangladeshi nationalists had happily embellished their stories of "villainous" Pakistanis for all these years. But an important reason for falsely claiming that the book exonerates the military is to distract attention from the fact that it also chronicles the brutalities by their own side, committed in the name of Bengali nationalism. The nature and scale of atrocities committed by the "nationalist" side had been edited out of the dominant narrative. Its discovery spoils the "villains versus innocents" spin of Bangladeshi nationalist mythology.

A key question about the "controversy" over Dead Reckoning is why this book is stirring such passions when other works do not. One reason for this is that there are precious few studies of the 1971 war based on dispassionate research. This is the first book-length study that reconstructs the violence of the war at the ground-level, utilising multiple memories from all sides of the conflict.

Two eminent US historians, Richard Sisson and Leo Rose, published the only research-based study of the war at the diplomatic and policy level twenty years ago. Their excellent book, War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh (University of California Press, 1990), challenged the dominant narrative, but their work does not seem to be known among the general public as much as within academia.

However, a crucial reason for the special impact of Dead Reckoning has to do with who the author is. I am a Bengali, from a nationalist family in India. As Indians and Bengalis our sympathies had been firmly with the liberation struggle in Bangladesh in 1971. The dominant narrative of the 1971 war is the story as told by "my side", as it were. My reporting of what I actually found through my research, rather than unquestioningly repeating the partisan narrative or continuing the conspiracy of silence over uncomfortable truths, is thus taken as a "betrayal" by those who have profited for so long from mythologising the history of 1971.

It is important to note that not all South Asians subscribe to the myth-making. One eminent Indian journalist thought that my "courage, disregard for orthodoxy and meticulous research" in writing Dead Reckoning made me "the enfant terrible of Indian historians". A senior Bangladeshi scholar has found it "fitting that someone with Sarmila's links with Bengali nationalism should demonstrate that political values cannot be furthered by distorting history."

South Asians are prone to conjuring up all manner of conspiracy theories when faced with unpleasant realities, but those looking for one for Dead Reckoning are at a loss, as the only explanation for what it contains is that it reconstructs what really happened on the basis of available evidence.

The process of dismantling entrenched nationalist mythologies can be painful for those who have much vested in them, but the passions stirred by the publication of Dead Reckoning has sparked the debate that the 1971 war badly needed - and set on the right course the discussion of this bitter and brutal fratricidal war that split the only homeland created for Muslims in the modern world.

Sarmila Bose is Senior Research Fellow in the Politics of South Asia at the University of Oxford. She was a journalist in India for many years. She earned her degrees at Bryn Mawr College (History) and Harvard University (MPA and PhD in Political Economy and Government.)

Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War is published by C. Hurst and Co. and Columbia University Press.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.

http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/05/20115983958114219.html





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[ALOCHONA] Fwd: Anwar Hossain Manzu on election prospects of AL



------ Forwarded message ----------

From: Zoglul Husain <zoglul@hotmail.co.uk>
Date: Thu, May 12, 2011 at 8:19 PM
Subject: RE: Anwar Hossain Manzu on election prospects of AL
To: Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com>


Anwar Hossain Manju rings the alarm bell! Coming from a govt ally and a former minister of Ershad and Hasina's first term govts, it is very serious indeed!
 
He said: The misrule in the country is appalling. Terror, killings, plunder, grabbing, etc. by the supporters of the govt are surpassing all records. If election is held tomorrow, no one would be able to stop the defeat of the Awami League. But, he said, anarchy is ahead of us and the election is uncertain.
 
He also said that he has certain extremely frightening information, which, if divulged, then the sky would be about falling! But he didn't divulge it. Most alarmingly, he said: According to a plan, the country is being led to anarchy to make it a failed-state, and there may be attempts to snatch our independence and sovereignty!
 
We all need to be prepared for the worst, while hoping for the best!
 

Date: Thu, 12 May 2011 11:20:31 +0600
Subject: Anwar Hossain Manzu on election prospects of AL
From: bdmailer@gmail.com
To:



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[ALOCHONA] Fwd: Pakistan: Destabilization and invasion long planned



------ Forwarded message ----------

From: Zoglul Husain <zoglul@hotmail.co.uk>
Date: Fri, May 13, 2011 at 1:43 AM
Subject: RE: Pakistan: Destabilization and invasion long planned
To: Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com>


Balkanization of Pakistan, i.e. dividing the country into a number of mutually hostile states, along with re-drawing the map of the Middle East, is a long-known pet theme of Mossad, RAW and the US Neocons. The recently built Gwadar port certainly has added a new dimension and urgency to their plot. According to credible suspicions, they are now trying to shift the epicentre of their present wars from Afghanistan to Pakistan, starting with low-intensity war, with the aim of dismantling Pakistan's nuclear facilities as well as Balkanizing the country and weakening China in the region by weakening or destroying its all weather friend Pakistan.
 
The question is: Will Obama admin yield to the scheme, in their mad rush to contain China? It, however, is not going to be easy for Obama Admin, as they might find Pakistan to be in the same block with China, Iran and Turkey (potentially the third most powerful country in Europe within the next ten years or so) with Russia leaning to the block. Again, losing Pakistan as a strategic partner may weaken the US position both in the Middle East and South Asia, indeed in South East Asia too, for, with India-alone as strategic partner, the US would be isolated in the region, as Australia and Japan would not matter much. On the other hand, India doesn't have full commitment to the US, as they also have commitments to BRICS, the EU and, especially, Russia.
 
But, the US is a war monger and war mongers are war mongers, they always play with fire. Besides, one of the main planks of the US foreign policy is permanent war or continuous war for the promotion of their military industrial complex and their general imperialist objectives of domination and plunder of other countries throughout the world. Thus, one cannot be over cautious or over confident about the US policies or their intentions.   
 


Date: Thu, 12 May 2011 10:59:57 +0600
Subject: Pakistan: Destabilization and invasion long planned
From: bdmailer@gmail.com
To:


Pakistan: Destabilization and invasion long planned


by Tony Cartalucci


Bangkok, Thailand May 11, 2011 - In a 2007 article from the London Guardian titled, "Bush handed blueprint to seize Pakistan's nuclear arsenal," it is stated that fears of destabilization inside Pakistan might prompt the United States to occupy Islamabad and the provinces of Punjab, Sindh, and Baluchistan in an attempt to secure Pakistan's nuclear warheads. Behind this report is Fredrick Kagan, brother of the equally sloven Robert Kagan of the Foreign Policy Initiative, yet another contrived, corporate fueled warmongering think-tank.

Fredrick Kagan sits within the American Enterprise Institute (AEI). AEI's board of trustees represents a wide variety of corporate-financier interests including those of the notorious Carlyle Group, State Farm, American Express, and Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Co (also of the CFR). War criminal Dick Cheney also acts as a trustee. Joining Kagan as members of AEI's "research staff" are warmongers Newt Gingrich, John Bolton, Richard Perle, John Yoo, and Paul Wolfowitz.

While the sense of self-importance these degenerates shower upon themselves may seem comical, with titles like "senior fellow" and "resident scholar," the fact that their "policy research" usually becomes corporate subsidized "policy reality" and subsequently the American people's unending nightmare, is enough reason to keep tabs on them. For instance Fredrick Kagan was supposedly the architect behind the US troop surge in Iraq. And while we may kid ourselves that with Obama taking office the agenda of these supposed Neo-Conservatives is sidelined, Paul Wolfowitz' plan to overthrow the nations of the Middle East, now being fully executed with US-funded revolutions, probably couldn't have been done without the veil of "left-cover."

Kagan's report regarding Pakistan's partial occupation and the seizure of its nuclear arsenal is founded on what may first appear to be a reasonable concern; the fear of Pakistan collapsing and its nuclear arsenal falling into the wrong hands. According to Kagan's narrative, Islamic extremists seizing Pakistan's nuclear arsenal pose as much a threat today as "Soviet tanks" once did.

It's not terrorists, it's China

What Kagan leaves out is the very source of this destabilization and America's overall grand strategy in the region. America's continued presence in Afghanistan as well as its increasingly aggressive "creep" over the Afghan-Pakistani border has been justified under the ambiguous and omnipresent threat of "terrorism." In reality, the true goal is to contain the rise of China and other emerging economies using the pretense of "terrorism." Destabilization via foreign-funded ethnic insurgencies, regime change via foreign-funded sedition, and a regional strategy of tension between power brokers in Beijing, New Delhi, and Islamabad have for years attempted to keep in check not just China and Pakistan's rise, but India's as well.

This is not merely speculative conjecture. China itself has recently accused the United States of directly attempting to destabilize their nation as well as using the pretense of "terrorism" as a means to hobble China's growing influence. In an April 2011 Reuters report, it was stated that "a senior domestic security official, Chen Jiping, warned that "hostile Western forces" -- alarmed by the country's rise -- were marshalling human rights issues to attack Party control." Compounding China's accusations are open admissions by the US State Department itself declaring that tens of millions will be spent to help activists circumvent China's security networks in an effort to undermine Beijing. This comes after it has been revealed that the entire "Arab Spring" was US-funded.

The issue of Pakistan in regards to China is not merely a figment of a paranoid Beijing's imagination, it is stated policy circulating throughout America's corporate-funded think-tanks. Selig Harrison of the Soros funded Center for International Policy has published two pieces specifically calling for carving off of Pakistan's Baluchistan province, not as part of a strategy to win the "War on Terror," but as a means to thwart growing relations between Islamabad and Beijing.

In "Free Baluchistan," he explicitly calls to "aid the 6 million Baluch insurgents fighting for independence from Pakistan in the face of growing ISI repression." He continues by explaining the various merits of such meddling by stating, "Pakistan has given China a base at Gwadar in the heart of Baluch territory. So an independent Baluchistan would serve U.S. strategic interests in addition to the immediate goal of countering Islamist forces."

In a follow up article titled, "The Chinese Cozy Up to the Pakistanis," Harrison begins by stating, "China's expanding reach is a natural and acceptable accompaniment of its growing power—but only up to a point. " He then repeats his call for meddling in Pakistan by saying, "to counter what China is doing in Pakistan, the United States should play hardball by supporting the movement for an independent Baluchistan along the Arabian Sea and working with Baluch insurgents to oust the Chinese from their budding naval base at Gwadar. Beijing wants its inroads into Gilgit and Baltistan to be the first step on its way to an Arabian Sea outlet at Gwadar."

Gwadar in the southwest serves as a Chinese port, the starting
point for a logistical corridor through Pakistan and into Chinese

territory. The plan is to plunge the entire nation into chaos and use
US forces to systematically "help" restore order.
(click to enlarge)

The very suggestion of fomenting armed violence simply to derail sovereign relations between two foreign nations is scandalous and reveals the absolute depths of depravity from which the global elite operate from. It is quite clear that the "War on Terror" is but a pretense to pursue a policy of regional hegemony with the expressed goal of containing China. This in turn, is part of a greater strategy covered in the 2006 Strategic Studies Institute report "String of Pearls: Meeting the Challenge of China's Rising Power across the Asian Littoral." Throughout the report China's growing influence and various means to co-opt and contain it are discussed. SSI makes special note to mention engaging with all of China's neighbors in an effort to play them off against Beijing in order to maintain American preeminence throughout Asia.

Destabilizing Pakistan

In addition to the Gwadar port in Pakistan's Baluchistan region, China has also built dams, roads, and even nuclear power plants in the country. China has also supplied Pakistan with a tremendous amount of military technology. The only cards America seems to have left in its hand to counter this growing relationship are threats of destabilization, the subsequent stripping of Pakistan's nuclear arsenal, and Pakistan's Balkanization into smaller, ineffectual states.

In a 2009 article by Seymour Hersh titled, "Defending the Arsenal," much attention was given to the immense amount of suspicion and distrust Pakistan views America with. In particular, distrust is garnered over America's obsession with "defending" Pakistan's nuclear arsenal. Under the pretense of "helping" Pakistan if ever it fell into chaos, America has been trying to ascertain the location of Pakistan's nuclear weapons as well as the trigger assembles kept separate as a security measure.

While America supposedly "fears" destabilization, concurrently, the effects of their war with the Taliban on the Afghan-Pakistan border has overtly stirred up instability inside Pakistan. At one point, Hersh describes Islamabad's request for predator drones to conduct the attacks themselves, which was denied. They then asked for America to at least pretend to have given the drones to Pakistan and give them Pakistani markings - this was also denied. In fact, it seems almost as if the war against the Taliban, especially the drone campaign, is being used specifically to stir up the Pashtun minority and aim them at Islamabad, just as Harrison had suggested the Baluchistan insurgents be used to carve off Pakistan's southwest coastal region.

This brings us back to Fredrick Kagan's "blueprint," which is summed up in a New York Times piece co-authored with Brookings Institution's Michael O'Hanlon. Their article titled, "Pakistan's Collapse, Our Problem," describes the complete collapse of the Pakistani government, overrun by "extremists." It goes on to describe "Pro-American moderates" within the Pakistani army in need of US forces to help them secure Islamabad and their nuclear arsenal. Several options are given for where the nuclear weapons could be stored safely, all of them involve US oversight. This would give the US an ideal geopolitical scenario that would permanently Balkanize the country along Pashtun, Baluchi, and other ethnic minority lines, and result in a permanent Western presence inside the country.

The article then goes on to say larger military operations to take back Balkanized sections of the country could be undertaken, "If a holding operation in the nation's center was successful, we would probably then seek to establish order in the parts of Pakistan where extremists operate. Beyond propping up the state, this would benefit American efforts in Afghanistan by depriving terrorists of the sanctuaries they have long enjoyed in Pakistan's tribal and frontier regions."

It should be noted that co-author Michael O'Hanlon also contributed to the "Which Path to Persia?" report which described how using foreign-funded armed insurgency, foreign-funded popular revolutions, co-opting members of the military, and covert military operations could be used to topple Iran's government. In Iran's case, this plan has already gone operational. In Pakistan's case it seems all but a foregone conclusion that it is at least being attempted.

If Kagan's plan were executed after sufficient instability and justification had been created, China's holdings in Pakistan would be entirely eliminated, with Pakistan itself becoming a permanent extension of the unending US occupation of Afghanistan. This explains China's initial reaction to the "Bin Laden" hoax. Immediately recognizing the unfolding implications, China rushed to Islamabad's defense calling for support from the international community for Islamabad. China also criticized America's intrusion into Pakistan's sovereign territory.

The US raid incensed the Pakistani people, attempted to drive a wedge between the military and the government, as well as gave rhetorical leverage to the US over Islamabad and the Pakistani military. The suggestion by the US that "Bin Laden" had a support network inside Pakistan's military appears to be an initial attempt to usher in some form of Kagan's "nuke-napping" invasion plan. With Beijing openly accusing the US of interfering in its internal affairs and with the "Arab Spring" quickly turning into regional warfare, there is no turning back for the globalists.

The corporate-financier oligarchs and their many helping hands are a degenerate elite who have spent their entire lives sheltered from the consequences of their actions. It has always been the soldiers and the taxpayers who bore the brunt for their delusions of grandeur. To them, war is a cost-benefit analysis, and like their financial pyramid schemes that only get bigger and bigger, so too their gambles with our lives and treasure. It appears that they are quite willing to destabilize Pakistan, a nation with 170 million people, and risk war, a nuclear exchange, and a possible confrontation with China and Russia in the process.
http://landdestroyer.blogspot.com/2011/05/globalists-pakistan-war-plan.html



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Re: [ALOCHONA] Amartya Sen iin NYRB



Amarta Sen was not indicated because of his religion but for his overt anti-Islamic views. Not sure how would one miss it?

If India was a good neighbor,all Bangladeshis would have been happy to see India prosper but most people in Bangladesh do not see India in positive light. Not because of religion but very disturbing attitude of India and eagerness to bundle Bangladesh and Pakistan in every policy discussion (BECAUSE of our religion). They care little that, we actually fought and broke out of Pakistan but our religion frequently becomes a problem.

Amarta Sen is a son of Bengal and I am proud of him. At the same time I feel sad when I see these anti-Muslim comments from him.



-----Original Message-----
From: Farida Majid <farida_majid@hotmail.com>
To: Alochona Alochona <alochona@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Thu, May 12, 2011 4:56 pm
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Amartya Sen iin NYRB

 
         Here is an excerpt from the NYRB article that might cheer up the fierce anti-India communalists who had been fuming against Amartya Sen lately just because he is a Hindooooooooooooooooo
 
<<Comparing India with China according to such standards can be more useful for policy discussions in India than confining the comparison to GNP growth rates only. Those who are fearful that India's growth performance would suffer if it paid more attention to "social objectives" such as education and health care should seriously consider that notwithstanding these "social" activities and achievements, China's rate of GNP growth is still clearly higher than India's.

2.

Higher GNP has certainly helped China to reduce various indicators of poverty and deprivation, and to expand different features of the quality of life. There is every reason to want to encourage sustainable economic growth in India in order to improve living standards today and in the future (including taking care of the environment in which we live). Sustainable economic growth is a very good thing in a way that "growth mania" is not.
 
GNP per capita is, however, not invariably a good predictor of valuable features of our lives, for those features depend also on other things that we do—or fail to do. Compare India with Bangladesh. In income, India has a huge lead over Bangladesh, with a GNP per capita of $1,170, compared with $590 in Bangladesh, in comparable units of purchasing power. This difference has expanded rapidly because of India's faster rate of recent economic growth, and that, of course, is a point in India's favor. India's substantially higher rank than Bangladesh in the UN Human Development Index (HDI) is largely due to this particular achievement. But we must ask how well India's income advantage is reflected in other things that also matter. I fear the answer is: not well at all.
 
Life expectancy in Bangladesh is 66.9 years compared with India's 64.4. The proportion of underweight children in Bangladesh (41.3 percent) is lower than in India (43.5), and its fertility rate (2.3) is also lower than India's (2.7). Mean years of schooling amount to 4.8 years in Bangladesh compared with India's 4.4 years. While India is ahead of Bangladesh in the male literacy rate for the age group between fifteen and twenty-four, the female rate in Bangladesh is higher than in India. Interestingly, the female literacy rate among young Bangladeshis is actually higher than the male rate, whereas young women still have substantially lower rates than young males in India. There is much evidence to suggest that Bangladesh's current progress has a great deal to do with the role that liberated Bangladeshi women are beginning to play in the country.
 
What about health? The mortality rate of children under five is sixty-six per thousand in India compared with fifty-two in Bangladesh. In infant mortality, Bangladesh has a similar advantage: it is fifty per thousand in India and forty-one in Bangladesh. While 94 percent of Bangladeshi children are immunized with DPT vaccine, only 66 percent of Indian children are. In each of these respects, Bangladesh does better than India, despite having only half of India's per capita income.
Of course, Bangladesh's living conditions will benefit greatly from higher economic growth, particularly if the country uses it as a means of doing good things, rather than treating economic growth and high per capita income as ends in themselves. It is to the huge credit of Bangladesh that despite the adversity of low income it has been able to do so much so quickly; the imaginative activism of Bangladeshi NGOs (such as the Grameen Bank, the pioneering microcredit institution, and BRAC, a large-scale initiative aimed at removing poverty) as well as the committed public policies of the government have both contributed to the results. But higher income, including larger public resources, will obviously enhance Bangladesh's ability to achieve better lives for its people.

3.

One of the positive things about economic growth is that it generates public resources that the government can devote to its priorities. In fact, public resources very often grow faster than the GNP. The gross tax revenue, for example, of the government of India (corrected for price rise) is now more than four times what it was just twenty years ago, in 1990–1991. This is a substantially bigger jump than the price-corrected GNP.>>
 
 
             Sen here spells out what I had been trying to say following the studies of other economists: Unless the govt. makes commited public policies wishful thinking and propaganda of NGOs do not effectively reduce poverty.
 
             Farida Majid

 

From: farida_majid@hotmail.com
Date: Tue, 10 May 2011 15:46:10 -0400
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Amartya Sen iin NYRB

 
          Amartya Sen in New York Review of Books, May 12, 2011
 
              Quality of life in India and China compared
 
http://www.sacw.net/article2060.html



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[ALOCHONA] Amer Sonar Bangladesh



 
EXTREME LEFT BECAME EXTREME RIGHT. WHAT A POLITICAL DOCTRINE, IN DEED! What a JIHADI political-intellectual.
 

--- On Wed, 4/27/11, Shahadat Hussaini <shahadathussaini@hotmail.com> wrote:

From: Shahadat Hussaini <shahadathussaini@hotmail.com>
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Amer Sonar Bangladesh
To: "Bangladeshi American" <bangladeshiamericans@googlegroups.com>, "notun Bangladesh" <notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com>, "Alochona Groups" <alochona@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Wednesday, April 27, 2011, 3:26 PM

 

Amer Sonar Bangladesh

Dr. Abid Bahar

My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am delighted to hear people say
Amer Sonar Bangladesh
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am not tired of hearing I am a Bangaladeshi
Amer Sonar Bangladesh
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing people say I am a Bangali not a Bangladeshi
But Amer Sonar Bangladesh
Ami Tomai Valovashi
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali, I will not stop saying it until I hear the West Bengali leaders call Bangladesh a terrorist state but the terrorists were long wedged and hanged without any national sympathy to their cause
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of seeing my ancestral land of Bengal fenced by India and West Bengali leaders wanted it that way to supposedly stop terrorism exported to India.
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying Amer sonar Bangladesh until I see the Bangladeshi soldiers were being killed by Indian army as target practices done on our ancestral Bengali land
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali and
I will not stop saying it until West Bengal\'s Buddhadeb Bhattcharjee stop trying hard to convince the peace-loving Indians that Bangladesh a terrorist state
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until I see the West Bengalis fight for Bangladesh against Indian water aggression
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali I will not stop saying it
until I find out how many dams were being built around Bangladesh on Bengali soil by India.
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali I will not stop saying it
until I find out why that many dams were being built around Bangladesh and not around any other province of India
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali I will not stop saying it
until I find out why there was a staged protest in Calcutta against Bangladesh by Hindus from Bangladesh wanting better life and citizenship in India but largely a staged propaganda complain of alleged widespread persecution in Bangladesh
!I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali I will not stop saying it
until I find out how protesting against Pakistan was \"progressive\" but now against Indian aggression makes us communal
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali I will not stop saying it
until I see India stops building dams around Bangladesh on our ancestral Bengali land
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until Buddhadev, the anti-Bangladeshi communist calls himself a 100% Bengali
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it until
I find out why there was a \"Bangabhumi\" movement, which had its head office in Calcutta.
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will stop singing Amer Sonar Bangla until I find out why Tagore opposed the establishment of Dhaka University; the institution brought renaissance in East Bengal
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali.
I will not stop saying it until I find out why Nabab Salimullah the founder of Dhaka University, reacting to the West Bengali's \"communal Swedeshi\" movement; gave the first boost to East Bengali nationalism and why he is being deeply hated by the Indian Bengalis and the pro-Indians in Bangladesh
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali.
I will not stop saying it until I find out why in India; the Moharaja\'s palaces were preserved as great national treasures and the tourist spots while our Nabab\'s palaces (Ahsan Monjil) were led to ruination
I will not stop it until I know why to become a hero, a so-called \"progressive\" Bangladeshi; it needs to be recognized by the West Bengali Ananda group intellectuals
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali.
I will not stop singing Amer Sonar Bangla until it is changed to \"Amer Sonar Bangladesh, Ami Tomai Valobashi\"
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali.
I will not stop saying it until I find out how the pro-Indian Moni Singh-Muzaffer helped our great leader Bangabandu to turn Bangladesh into a \"bottomless basket case,\" and led the death of our great leader
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will stop saying it until I find out why and how the pro-Indian Moni Singh-Muzaffer helped to kill Bangladesh democracy
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali.
I will not stop saying it until I find out why the pro-Indian Moni Singh-Muzaffer communists had to merge with our great national party AL and form BAKSAL dictatorship and are still is in alliance with the AL and why
I am tired of hearing so much undeserved negative propaganda against Bangladeshi
But Amer Sonar Bangladesh
Ami Tomai Valovashi
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying until I know why West Bengalis are so much Indian than Bengalis and we shouldn\'t be Bangladeshis
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until I find out why West Bengali so-called progressive leaders hate Islam and Muslims so much and to be \"progressive" demand us to be \"anti-Islamic\"
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until I find out why and
how the commonly used name in Bangladesh \"Ain Monti\" in AL\'s terms in office gets the unheard Indian name \"Nai Pal.\"
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until I find out how Hasina becomes East Bengal\'s \"Mukkha Montri.\"
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until I find out why India didn\'t return back our Beru Bari?
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali.
I will stop saying it until I find out what \"Calcutta- Dhaka dada politics\" means for Bangladesh
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will stop saying until I find out why India had to block air-waves from Bangladesh and there was no protest from West Bengali leaders
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until I find out what ideological interest India has to help the Chakmas when it drops bombs from sky on its northwest province\'s population to silence its Christian-Buddhist minorities.
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out why a small section of Bangladesh near Agartala was under Indian control during Ershad\'s period
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali.
I will stop saying it until I find out the net benefit of anti-Bangladeshism to West Bengali leaders
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will stop saying until I find out the negative propagandist groups involved in Calcutta- Dhaka and are not being traced by the national security yet
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until I find out how Taslima Nasrin was first given \"Ananda Award\" and then shelter in West Bengal to propagate in favor of the BJP against Bangladesh.
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until I find out how on one hand India feeds its people anti-Bangladesh propaganda but again ask for transit through Bangladesh for its colonies in the North West
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying until I find out why and how the West Bengali Indians help Bangladeshi fundamentalist Hindu-Buddhist- Christian organization, gets Indian help in its anti- Bangladesh lobbying even in Washington, to declare Bangladesh as a \"failed state.\"
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it until
I find out why part of Bangladesh near Agartala was under Indian control during Ershad peri
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it before
I find out that what is called \"dada\" influence from Calcutta largely through the \"harmonium Party" and what it means for Bangladesh
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali.
I will stop saying it until I know who are behind anarchy in Bangladesh and why they call themselves as \"communists. \"
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until I find out in whose inspiration the nationwide strikes in Bangladesh continued and our new temples-the ports, universities remain closed for days and months that led to the emergency army-backed care-taker government
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will stop saying until I find out who were the hooded man, (despite the worker\'s resistance,) set fire on our garment factories competing with the Indian and the arson act was praised as bravery by the Moni Singh communists.
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali.
I will not stop saying until I find out why we need to be recognized by the West Bengali Indians as being \"secular,\" \"progressive\" or \"leftist\" as we demonstrate ourselves anti Bangladeshi or anti-Islamic while they can still be deeply religious and pro-Indian
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh !
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali.
I will not stop saying until I find out why Bangabandu gave amnesty to the 1971 collaborators and Hasina with her election mandate did nothing to persecute the collaborators of the Pakistani army.
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying until I find out why our national hero, Dr. Yonus was verbally humiliated by our political leaders but who unconditionally praise Indian heroes.
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali.
I will not stop saying until I find out who are the agenda-setters in Bangladesh
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until I find out why Bangladesh has refugee influx from Burma and it is a non issue to the pro-Indian Bangladeshi news media
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until I find out why Ram Mohoan Roy, on record a West Bengali anti-Muslim bunya, was a communalist but still recognized by Bangladeshi historian as a \"humanist.\"
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until I find out how in India the fundamentalist party BJP ceremonially destroys the Babri Mosque, people got killed but BJP earns popularity and forms government and India still calls itself a peace-loving, the world\'s largest democracy
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying until I find out why recently Dhaka-Calcutta Moitri(friendship) train was stopped on its first trip by the communal West Bengalis in Calcutta with the excuse that Bangladesh might export terrorism to India.
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying it until I find out why Bangladeshis hate their great leader Bhasani, Mujib and Zia and love Joti Basu and Buddhadev.
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out that when I criticize West Bengali leaders they call me a pro-Pakistani
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali
and I will not stop saying it because
I found out why I am being portrayed as pro-Pakistani when I directly fought against Pakistan and suffered and now protesting against India\'s chauvinistic nationalism (through its Bengali extremists) that hurts Bangladesh.
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying until I find out what makes Bangladesh unique among nations
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying until I see the US-India backed General\'s Care Taker government transfers power to the civilian government and the General goes back to the barrack.
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali, I will not stop saying it until I see Bangladeshi students, think about Bangladesh and stop joining in strikes, do their studies in universities, help bring prosperity for the suffering masses.
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
I will not stop saying until I find out who am I
I am tired of hearing I am a Bangali
Because found out that I am a Bangladeshi
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I am a Bangladeshi Muslim
I am a Bangladesh Hindu
I am a Bangladeshi Christian
I am a Bangladeshi Chakma, Mrung and Marma
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out I am struggling for the welfare of our Bangladeshi 150 million people and not for the Indian Bengalis.
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out, I became a Bangladeshi on the night of 25th March 1971
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out Bangabandu did many mistakes, (during the war time he was in Pakistan and) after his return kept calling us \"Bengalis,\" our ancestral identity but it is time to identify ourselves and give the respect Bangladeshi people deserve.
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out on the night of 25th March 1971, the Bengalis of East Bengal went through a metamorphosis to a new identity: \"The Bangladeshi\"
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out that we are now independent from Pakistan and West Bengal is an Indian territory
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out that now we have to struggle to become independent from the West Bengali Indian\'s undesirable influence
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out we are in the middle of a hostile territory but we are not a land-locked country
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out that our capital city is not Calcutta anymore but Dhaka
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out now we can deal directly with Delhi, London and Washington than with Calcutta.
My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out that my country is Bangladesh
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out I am a Bangladeshi
I am tired of hearing I am a Bengali and I will not stop saying it because
I found out personally Bangladesh gave me so much

My motherland, Amer Sonar Bangladesh!
I am a Bangladeshi
Ami Tomai Valovashi!
(Abid Bahar was an active member of the Moni Singh-Muzaffer alliance until it merged with the AL to form the BAKSAL one party system)


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