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Friday, August 6, 2010

RE: [ALOCHONA] On why Jamaat-e-Islami does not deserve our sympathy



Dear sirs,

Assalamu Alaikum. Mr Taj’s arguments are not very sophisticated or rational.

Any party can commit mistake about any coming election.It can be no basis for assessing a party.

 

It is not true that Jamaat does not learn or adopt new program.It is rigid only on the core of Islam which no Muslim can object or change.It is totally open in its political, economic and social program.It has opened up a lot on gender and Non-Muslim issue. Non-Muslims can become member of the party.

I am not responding to all points.

 

Shah Abdul Hannan

 

 


From: alochona@yahoogroups.com [mailto:alochona@yahoogroups.com] On Behalf Of Isha Khan
Sent: Tuesday, August 03, 2010 1:50 PM
Subject: [ALOCHONA] On why Jamaat-e-Islami does not deserve our sympathy

 

 

On why Jamaat-e-Islami does not deserve our sympathy 

 

Sohail Taj 

 

sohailtaj2008@gmail.com                                                         

 

Without referring to the events of 1971 and the allegations of war crimes offences leveled against several Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) leaders I would like to draw the reader's attention to other aspects of this case since the charges framed against the five accused remain to be proved and we should not preempt the findings of a court of law. The JeI finds itself in this present predicament solely out of its own doing and cannot blame anyone but itself. Its decision to participate and pressure the BNP to join in the 2008 elections against the better judgment of Khaleda Zia led to the Awami League gaining an overwhelming majority in Parliament which they are now using to their full advantage. That the elections might be rigged or manipulated under the dubious stewardship of Gen. Moin U. Ahmad never seems to have occurred to the JeI leaders. This single act of stupidity sealed the fate of the party and its five senior most leaders who are now languishing in jail.  

 

That the JeI had been repeatedly warned that the AL would achieve at least a two-thirds majority in the elections was ridiculed with the reply that under a democracy there would be limitations on what a majority government could do. It seems the JeI did not learn from the experience of the AL governments of 1972-1975 and 1996-2001 in which the party almost managed single handedly to ruin and decimate the country and in the latter case without even possessing a two-thirds majority.  The JeI's decision to participate in the elections was an act of pure selfishness and opportunism merely to take advantage of the weakened position of the BNP and to humour it's foreign backers in the West and the Middle East. Had the JeI and BNP boycotted the elections the illegal and unconstitutional Caretaker Government of Fakhruddin Ahmed would never have achieved even partial (prospective) legitimacy and the AL could not have carried out its political programme without sustained and credible opposition.  Unfortunately due to JeI's horrendous miscalculation and ineptitude the AL is able to brandish the label of a democratically elected government while systematically curtailing the people's rights, repressing the opposition and engaging in massive corruption. This is the elected dictatorship that Gen. Moin U. Ahmed had warned us about in one of his controversial speeches but that was before he delivered the country to the AL (and India) in true Mir Jafor fashion.  

 

The obvious reason for the JeI's political immaturity and incompetence is that while internally democratic it is ideologically and doctrinally rigid and is therefore incapable of absorbing outside opinion. Primarily for this reason many of its leaders and supporters suffer from intellectual arrogance and a certain pompousness in character such as Motiur Rahman Nizami, Delwar Hossain Sayeedi and Mahmudur Rahman, none of whom are original thinkers. Even after the election debacle the top leaders of the party were allowed to retain their positions. This last point proves that the JeI cannot be reformed and so no one should be surprised that there was no outburst after the arrest of its leaders as the monolithic structure of the party cannot quickly adapt to the new situation.  

 

In conclusion one may ask if the JeI has a right to our sympathy regardless of what may have been their involvement in the events of 1971.  My answer is no. Does the party deserve our condemnation? My answer is an unreserved yes. Should we nevertheless support the JeI? My answer is still no. Should we accept JeI help in saving the country from the fascist AL? My answer is yes but they will remain the junior partners whether they like it or not. The only question mark remains over the viability of the BNP which is heavily infiltrated with Indian stooges. I feel it unlikely that the BNP will be able to sustain a movement against the government unless it removes most of its top leadership and only after it takes a strong stand against Indian encroachment in Bangladesh. Unless it takes a principled stand on the last issue it will merely be viewed as the C Team of India after Sheikh Hasina's A Team and Sheikh Rehana's B Team.  

 

Regards 

 

Sohail Taj 

Imperial College London



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[ALOCHONA] Re: Economy passing to alien hands




--- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, "ANDREWL" <turkman@...> wrote:
>
> TURKMAN: When had I said, China was in Foreign Hands? I had said Chinese 'Economy' has been in Foreign Hands and proof is, until China permitted Western Industrialists to start building their factories, China's Foreign Exchange Earnings were near Zero. China has grown because of Foreign Factories and had started her Foreign Exchange Earnings because of them.
> --------------

Wrong,  China grew because of WTO free-trade, and the opening of Western doors to Walmart etc.  If India opened doors to BD products, BD would also grow.

> > 2) Yet, just last week China gave Bangladesh DUTY-FREE access to 4000 items that BD can export to China. That happened only 1-month after Hasina met China's PM.
> >
> TURKMAN: Because China has over $ 2 trillion already accumulated in Foreign Exchange Reserves.
> --------

India has $200 Billion Forex, 1/10th of China's,  and by your logic India should allow allow 10% of 4000 items, right??  But actual number is ZERO.

> > 3) And after 38 years, India is still dragging its feet, dangling the carrot to BD, for making a single item duty-free from BD to India. All this SAARC junk that India cooks, to attract (and decieve) its neighbors is basically a FAARCE.
> >
> TURKMAN: India has only less than $ 300 billion in Surplus Earnings of Foreign Exchange. She does not want to lose them.
> ---------------

No,  she only wants to Grab more Billions from BD,  by exploiting,  BD rivers, ports, gas, reclaimed land and Maritime boundary. 

> > 3) Meanwhile India exports $3.5 Billion to BD, while BD exports almost nothing to India. The 'trade deficit' to India for BD is $3.5B.
> >
> TURKMAN: This should stop and India should at least let us equal her exports to us.
> --------------

Yes, this should stop, by BANNING of Indian goods,  and banning Indian dumping and border smuggling completely,  plus adding MASSIVE taxes to goods from India, which are already produced in BD,    the same way India  stops BD goods.   This will  strengthen BD industry,  and reduce dependance on India,  which India wants.


> > 4) In the whole world 'TRADE' means "Give & Take policy", but for India 'trade' means "Give & Give". You have to GIVE everything to India, give them business, transit, water, land, borders, Talpotti, Teen-Bigha, Farakka, Tipaimukh - the list goes on.
> >
> TURKMAN: Not right.

Totally right.   The proof is in the numbers.   $3  Billion trade deficit,  hundreds of BD citizens killed by Indians in Borders  daily, borders flooded with Indian junk drugs and trash,   BD goods not allowed in India.,  while  China opened doors completely to BD,   almost without asking.

> ---------------
> > 5) But what has India given to BD since 1971?
> > Ans: a well-built security wall all around BD, and daily killings of BD citizens at India borders.
> >
> > Should alochoks NOT be concerned about the Economy passing to alien hands??
> >
> > K. Gazi
> >
> TURKMAN: India should not be stopping BD Emigre by Barrel of Gun. This is violation of UN Charter and BD should seek relief from UN on this.
> > --------------------------------

No,  BD  should stop making  deals with India that only benefit INDIAN interest,  and BD's corrupt  Politicians.

K. Gazi



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[ALOCHONA] Re: No problem with Tipaimukh Dam: Bangladesh official

"Bangladesh today made it clear that it has no problem with ...Tipaimukh Dam ... if India does without harming BD environment and jeopardizing rights of its citizens."
--------------

India will not do the harm ustaad, the DAM will do the harm !!
And did BD sign any agreement with India what will be the action plan, if river damages enviroment?

Will the Dam be blown-up if there is massive damage in BD ??

Of course not !!

India will have a big laugh outside the border security wall, eating Hilsha fish bhaji and rasgulla !!

------------------------------------

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[ALOCHONA] It is time for govt to desert subservient foreign policy



It is time for govt to desert subservient foreign policy
 

THE Indian finance minister, Pranab Mukherjee, is scheduled to fly in for a four-hour sojourn in Bangladesh, which by itself perhaps deserves an entry into the Guinness Book of World Record as the shortest state-level visit by any minister anywhere in the world. The short visit has a reasonably long agenda, though. According to a report front-paged in New Age on Friday, Mukherjee will be here mainly to witness the signing of the $1 billion line of credit between the EXIM Bank of India and the Economic Relations Division of Bangladesh, in line with the Dhaka-Delhi joint communiqué released at the end of the India visit of the prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, in January. However, as another report also front-paged in New Age on Friday indicates, he could push for an agreement on waiver of duties on the transportation of over-dimensional cargoes from western India to northeast India through Bangladesh. With one of Hasina's advisers reportedly 'in favour of waiver' and the Awami League-led government having thus far displayed an inexplicable eagerness to grant virtually whatever New Delhi wishes, his visit could add significant momentum towards such an agreement. 

If it so happens, it will be doubly delightful for New Delhi; for, it will ensure that India gets maximum returns on the line of credit offered to Bangladesh. As per the terms of the credit, Bangladesh will have to spend the money on the development of infrastructure, which is aimed at facilitating India's transhipment of goods from its west to northeast. In other words, India will get what it has always wanted but without any expenditure on its part. Moreover, India will get interest on the credit and, if the duty on over-dimensional cargo is waived, it will be all gain and no pain for New Delhi. Simply put, what Bangladesh stands to gain, if anything at all, is inconsequential compared to what India will get.
   
It is just one aspect in the bilateral relations between the two countries whereby Bangladesh has put in more than its share but India has given up virtually nothing. In fact, India has not shown even the slightest willingness to address the legitimate demands and grievances of Bangladesh. New Delhi refuses to do anything about the killing of Bangladeshis by its border guards, equitable sharing of the common rivers, particularly the Teesta, huge trade imbalance, withdrawal of non-tariff barriers to export of Bangladeshi goods, exchange of enclaves, land border demarcation; the list could go on and on. Moreover, it continues to create more irritants for the already strained relations, e.g. repeated incursion into Bangladesh's maritime territory, fencing of borders, planned construction of a dam on the upstream of the trans-boundary river Barak at Tipaimukh, etc. Then, of course, there are instances of India promising humanitarian help and not delivering on it such as reconstruction of several hundred houses in the cyclone Aila-hit areas.

India's selfish exploitation of its bilateral ties with Bangladesh has, of late, been criticised even in its own media. For example, the Indian Express wrote in its editorial on August 3: 'In case after case, the Bangladeshi side has done its bit, laying the groundwork for further agreement, or implementing what was already signed. And in case after case, the Indian side has not reciprocated to any reasonable degree' (See today's Op-Ed page for reprint of the editorial). In other words, the Indian government has made it amply clear that its overarching intention is to squeeze the maximum out Bangladesh in return for virtually nothing.
  
 Hence, it is, perhaps, time that the sympathy and support of the conscious and conscientious sections of Indian society were mobilised so that they may keep pressure on their government to address Bangladesh's legitimate demands and grievances. At the same time, politically conscious and democratically oriented sections of Bangladeshi society need to put pressure on the government to desert its subservient foreign policy vis-à-vis India or, for that matter, any other country, and assertively raise problems that India refuses to address and secure their resolution for national interest.

http://www.newagebd.com/2010/aug/07/edit.html


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[ALOCHONA] Fw: KHABOR War crime trial dogged by conflict of laws





--- On Thu, 8/5/10, Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com> wrote:

From: Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com>
Subject: KHABOR War crime trial dogged by conflict of laws
To:
Date: Thursday, August 5, 2010, 7:45 PM

 

War crime trial dogged by conflict of laws

M. Shahidul Islam
 
Contrary to sweeping assertion that the government of Bangladesh lacks judicial mandate to embark upon the 1971 war crime trial, the lack of authority is not what undercuts the validation of such a trial. Rather, conflict of laws is what seems to be making the venture questionable, (and) controversial.
   
Besides, the arrest of some suspects of the crime long before the framing of the charge has created a procedural breach under the 1973 International Crime Tribunal Act (ICT) itself. And, the Law Minister's recent assertion that the US and the UK have no business to poke their noses in the trial proceedings made things further worse.
   
The Law Minister seems to be trying to make a scramble without breaking the egg. Whether one calls it war crime or crime against humanity, any trial relating to such crimes derives its authority from the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (GA Res. 260A, 1948), which recognized the principles and the judgments of the Nuremberg trail and made it an integral part of customary international law. The Convention also mandated that a competent tribunal of the state where the crimes took place could hold the trial, although most of the trials so far had taken place under an international panel tribunal to ensure neutrality and fairness.
   
Despite the concerned UN Convention having proven controversial from the outset — for its presupposition about the existence of an international government to try international crimes by an international panel — the concurrent empowerment of concerned municipal government's aimed at overcoming that drawback. And due to such crimes involving trans-national parties, the Security Council (UNSC) removed the veil of ambiguity by creating an international tribunal on February 22, 1993 to conduct trial of genocide in former Yugoslavia. A similarly constituted court tried the Rwanda war crime trial in 1994 and issued indictments.
   
   Conflict of laws
   The conflict of laws arises from the jurisdiction, mandate, applicable/conflict ing laws, etc. Besides, procedural and legal fairness remains a central concern in such trials.For instance, death penalty may be an acceptable norm under the domestic law of some nations, including ours, but it is not permissible in many other countries or in the international crime tribunal. Secondly, although confessions taken under torture and other coercive means are not recognized as admissible evidence under the domestic and international laws, we have an exception in this regard too, albeit theoretically. Finally, absence of all the parties involved in the 'chain of the crime,' especially when the trial occurs under the municipal law of a particular nation may invalidate the legality of the entire trial proceedings by challenging its authority and fairness.
   
In our instance, deprivation of right to appeal/judicial review, as was stipulated in the latest amendment to the International Crime Tribunal (ICT) Act of 1973, is blatantly contradictory to the equal rights afforded to every citizen in Article 27 of Bangladesh Constitution. This fundamental right can only be waived if the accused are not citizens of Bangladesh, which they are.
   
   Murky backdrop
   There is little doubt that the instances of war crime, genocide and other crimes against humanity were rampant and ubiquitous during Bangladesh war of liberation in 1971. Yet, our government failed to impress upon the UN to convene a special committee to legally authenticate the crimes' commission. Instead, the government of Sheikh Mujib promulgated Bangladesh Collaborators (Special Tribunals) Order on January 24, 1972 for trial of 'domestic collaborators' . The crimes having originated from the order and command of people who ceased to be part of our nation as of the Proclamation of Independence Order in April 1971, the collaboration order turned into a weapon of prosecution against selective Bengali 'subordinates' of the Pakistani armed forces who had planned and directed the crimes' perpetration.
   
This fundamental flaw was further compounded due to other legal inhibitions, compelling the Mujib regime to enact the First Amendment Act to the Constitution on 15 July 1973. The Act amended Article 47 of the Constitution by inserting an additional clause which allowed prosecution and punishment of any person accused of 'genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes and other crimes under international law'. That too failed to remove the legal inhibitions in their totality, due to the insertion of Article 47A which rendered inapplicable for the accused certain fundamental rights guaranteed in the Constitution. That has resulted in the passing of the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act (ICT) on July 20, 1973.
   
   International agreements
   The ICT did relate such crimes as being the staples of international law, as they are supposed to be. The main obstacle proved to be the fate of some 30,000 captive Bengali soldiers (ranging from sepoy to three star generals) and non-combatants who awaited repatriation from Pakistan while Islamabad had serious concerns about the fate of some 90, 000 of its soldiers who had surrendered, pursuant to the Geneva Convention, to the Indian army on December 16 and awaited repatriation to Pakistan. Pakistan argued that it had followed armistice on December 16 under international laws of war, and, the absence of any certification by a competent UN-sponsored commission that the alleged war crimes constituted genocide had immune its forces from undergoing such a trial under the municipal law of Bangladesh.
   
   Tripartite agreement 1973
   Pakistan also managed to convince India, within weeks, to sign (on August 28, 1973) a tripartite agreement in which India signed on behalf of Bangladesh. The agreement stated in clause V1 that "Bangladesh agrees that no trials of the prisoners of war shall take place during the entire period of repatriation and that pending the settlement envisaged in clause (V11) below these prisoners of war shall remain in India."
   
Meanwhile, in order to obtain formal recognition from Pakistan and other Muslim countries — as well as in deference to the tripartite agreement of 1973 - the government of Bangladesh declared a general amnesty on November 30, 1973 for those collaborators 'not yet charged with specific allegations of war-related atrocities'. The Press Note on general amnesty categorically said, "Those who were punished for or are accused of rape, murder, attempts to murder or arson will not come under general amnesty." This resulted in the release from prison of some 26,000 detainees, out of 37,000 suspected collaborators who were apprehended and processed for trial in the aftermath of the war.
   
   Minister's arrogance
   The political changeover of 1975 having restored judicial fairness in the amended Constitution, about 11,000 suspected collaborators took recourse to appeal reviews and got released. The Collaboration Order itself was repealed on December 31, 1975 and the file closed, in order to move ahead with a renewed spirit of national reconciliation.
   
Despite that being the backdrop, our Law Minister managed to antagonize two of the friendly international partners of development – USA and UK – by stating lately that they had no business of poking noses in the war crime trial. The comment displayed a bad mix of ignorance and arrogance, and defied the very rationale of the trial due to the crimes involving resolution and 'closed transactions' reached through international agreements, armistice and repatriation- related conditionality signed after the conclusion of the 1971 war, as well as the affordability and the accessibility of the accused to a varied mix of fundamental rights outlined in the relevant International Human Rights Charters of which Bangladesh is a signatory.
   
   UN, relevant bodies
   The UN and other relevant international governments and organizations thus have a moral compulsion to ensure that the trial is procedurally and legally fair and the rights of the accused are respected to the fullest extent. That is precisely why the government requested the UN in September 2009 to dispatch a team to Dhaka to advice on the technicalities of the war criminals trial. The USA and the UK are permanent members of the UN Security Council.
   
The Law Minister's assertion also stands in stark contrast with the amendments brought to the 1973 ICT on July 9, 2009, whereupon the accepted definition of 'armed forces' now means the forces raised and maintained under the Pakistan Army Act 1952, the Air Force Act 1953 and the Navy Ordinance of 1961. That effort too aimed at ensuring the legal and the procedural fairness of the trial itself.
   
   More amendment needed
   Instead of showing arrogance, the government must reconsider to amend the 1973 ICT further due to the latest amendment having inserted a very objectionable clause that allows trial of individuals for war crimes 'even if they are not member of an 'auxiliary force' created under the Pakistan Armed Forces Act(s)' cited above.
   
This particular clause does not obey the rules with the stipulations of the 1949 Geneva Convention and many other Protocols in which the stature of a person in the hierarchy of command is viewed as being determinative of whether that person has had command responsibility, or, the blame should be attributed to the civilian masters of the military and/or other auxiliary forces under their command. Historically, every war crime trial dealt with two questions in particular: whether (1) compliance of order from superior officers serves as a defence for the accused, and, (2) how far the command responsibility traverses up the chain of command?
   
When things are so complicated, our government should strive to ensure that the conflict of laws are addressed, international agreements are complied with, and concerned international organizations and the governments are allowed to play a decisive role in ensuring the legal and procedural fairness of the trial.
 



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[Nagorik_Shokti] Diabetes and its miraculous medicines [1 Attachment]

[Attachment(s) from Dr. Bashir Mahmud Ellias included below]

 

 

Diabetes  and  its  miraculous  medicines

Self  treatment  scheme  for  Diabetes

 

Dear  all,

 

           Take  these  nine  homeopathic  medicines  (as  a  cure  for  diabetes)  according  to  my  direction.  I  am  optimistic  that  my  formula  will  give  a  full  cure  for  95%  of  diabetic  patients.  Although  few  cases  will  not  get  full  cure,  still  they  will  get  ten  fold  better  result  than  any  other  healing  systems.  Take  these  medicines  repeatedly  in  a  cyclical  way  (i.e.  after  no.- 9  start  again  from  no.- 1).  You  can  double  the  dose  (i.e.  20  drops)  if  your  sugar  level  is  much  higher.  Yea,  it  is  better  to  take  all  homeopathic  medicines  in  empty  stomach ;  but  you  can  take  them  after  meal  if  you  forget.  You  should  reduce  other  diabetic  medicines  to  half  after  two  weeks  and  totally  stop  all  those  rubbish  medicines  after  four  weeks.  Try  to  buy  Germany  or  U.S.A.  made  medicines.  You  can  exclude  any  one  of  these  nine  medicines  if  it  seems  don't  helping  or  causing  serious  side-effects.  Do  not  change  my  recommendation  on  potency  and  dose,  but  you  can  take  the  nearest  potency  if  the  recommended  potency  is  not  available  in  the  local  market.  In  some  rare  cases,  you  may  need  to  consult  a  homeopathic  specialist  to  be  able  to  use  more  precisely  selected  medicines (which  best  suit  with  your  physical  and  mental  make-up).  When  you  are  free  from  diabetes,  then  don't  stop  these  medicines  suddenly.  Rather  you  should  gradually  decrease  the  dose  (10  drops®  5  drops ®  2  drops)  and  in  this  way  take  three  to  six  months  to  stop  them  totally.  (N.B.- Must  obey  the  diet  rules  &  exercise.)

 

{Removing  the  causes  of  diabetes :-  At  the  same  time  we  need  to  remove  the  underlying  cause  of  diabetes.  (1)  If  you  got  diabetes  after  a  mental  shock,  you  should  take  one  dose  (ie.  one  drop)  of  Natrum  muriaticum  1M,  then  after  one  month  of  interval  take  one  dose  (ie.  one  drop)  of  Natrum  muriaticum  10M  and  then  after  one  month  of  interval  take  one  dose  (ie.  one  drop)  of  Natrum  muriaticum  50M.  (2)  If  you  got  diabetes  after  vaccination,  you  should  take  one  dose  (ie.  one  drop)  of  Thuja  occidentalis  1M,  then  again  after  one  month  of  interval  take  one  dose  (ie.  one  drop)  of  Thuja  occidentalis  10M  and  then  after  one  month  of  interval  take  one  dose  (ie.  one  drop)  of  Thuja  occidentalis  50M.  (3)  If  you  have  a  family  history  of  diabetes,  you  should  take  one  dose  (ie.  one  drop)  of  Syphilinum  1M,  then  after  one  month  of  interval  take  one  dose  (ie.  one  drop)  of  Syphilinum  10M  and  then  again  after  one  month  of  interval  take  one  dose  (ie.  one  drop)  of  Syphilinum  50M.  (4)  If  you  have  a  family  history  of  tuberculosis  or  Asthma  or  in  the  habit  of  catching  cold  frequently,  you  should  take  one  dose  (ie.  one  drop)  of  Bacillinum  1M,  then  after  one  month  of  interval  take  one  dose  (ie.  one  drop)  of  Bacillinum  10M  and  then  again  after  one  month  of  interval  take  one  dose  (ie.  one  drop)  of  Bacillinum  50M.}

 

 

Þ

 

    (1)  Acidum  Phosphoricum  Q

            (Take  this  homeopathic  medicine  10  drops   03  times  daily  for  first  week.  mixing  with  half  of  a  glass  of  water)

    (2)  Gymnema  sylvestra  Q

            (Take  this  homeopathic  medicine  10  drops   03  times  daily  for  second  week. mixing  with  half  of  a  glass  of  water)

    (3)  Senecio  aureus    Q

(Take  this  homeopathic  medicine  10  drops   03  times  daily  for  third  week. mixing  with  half  of  a  glass  of  water)

    (4)  Calcarea  Carbonica  30

            (Take  this  homeopathic  medicine  10  drops   03  times  daily  for  fourth  week. mixing  with  half  of  a  glass  of  water)

      (5)   Syzygium  Jambos    Q

(Take  this  homeopathic  medicine  10  drops   03  times  daily  for  fifth  week.  mixing  with  half  of  a  glass  of  water)

    (6)  Arsenicum  Bromatum  Q

(Take  this  homeopathic  medicine  10  drops   03  times  daily  for  sixth  week.  mixing  with  half  of  a  glass  of  water)

      (7)   Iodium  30

(Take  this  homeopathic  medicine  10  drops   03  times  daily  for  seventh  week. mixing  with  half  of  a  glass  of  water)

      (8)   Acidum  Picricum  Q

(Take  this  homeopathic  medicine  10  drops   morning  and  afternoon  for  eighth  week.  mixing  with  half  of  a  glass  of  water)

      (9)   Sanicula  Q

(Take  this  homeopathic  medicine  10  drops   03  times  daily  for  ninth  week.  mixing  with  half  of  a  glass  of  water)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dr. Bashir Mahmud Ellias

                                        Author, Design specialist, Islamic  researcher,  Homeo consultant

13/Ka - K.  M.  Das  Lane (1st  floor),

(west  side  of  Humayon  shahab's  railgate 

&  over  Haider  pharmacy)

Tikatoli, Dhaka, 

Bangladesh.

Mob :  +880-01916038527

E-mail : Bashirmahmudellias@hotmail.com

Website : http://bashirmahmudellias.blogspot.com

 

 






Attachment(s) from Dr. Bashir Mahmud Ellias

1 of 1 Photo(s)


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[ALOCHONA] FW: Watch this video on killing at the border by BSF




 
> Date: Thu, 5 Aug 2010 20:20:59 -0700
> Subject: Watch this video on killing at the border by BSF
> From: nasser.1532@gmail.com
> To: bangladeshiamericans@googlegroups.com
>
> Sadly, no Bangladesh government ever raised any voice against this
> human rights violation.
>
> http://link.brightcove.com/services/player/bcpid1184614595?bctid=30479039001
>
>
> --
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[ALOCHONA] India wants duty waiver on over- dimensional cargoes



India reluctant to bridge trade gap: Faruk Khan
 
Bangladeshi exports facing too many obstacles in India
 


 
Commerce minister Muhammad Faruk Khan on Thursday said that Delhi's assurance of reducing the trade gap between Bangladesh and India would mean nothing if the larger economy did not fulfill its pledge.(The New Age BD)

Citing Article 32 of the joint-communiqué of the two countries on December, 2009, Faruk pointed out that the decision to withdraw all tariff and non-tariff barriers was made at the summit level, but there was no progress in minimising the trade gap due to the lack of trust between the neighbours.

Faruk Khan, while addressing a seminar titled 'Bangladesh-India trade: a closer look', described India's execution of the joint-communiqué as a strategy of 'one step forward and two steps back'. The seminar was organised by the Metropolitan Chamber of Commerce and Industry in the city.

He said emphatically that India was always reluctant to bridge the trade gap for 'security concerns', but did not explain.

'India must shed its colonial mindset which is evident in the barriers it raises to stop Bangladeshi goods from entering the north-eastern states of India, popularly known as seven sisters,' he told reporters.

Bangladeshi exporters, compared to their Indian counterparts, have been facing more obstacles while sending their products to the Indian market, he added.

Faruk said that the export of Bangladeshi products has turned out to be a quite complex and prolonged process as any authority in India, whether central or state, enjoys the right to examine the products.

However he said that Bangladesh would have a fair chance to export some selected items such as raw jute and jute products to India

He said that Bangladeshi businessmen would have to take advantage of the demand for jute and jute products in India which has decided to use natural fibres for packing all food products.

The prime minister's economic adviser, Mashiur Rahman, said it was not possible for a less developed economy such as Bangladesh to compete with the giant economy of India if the latter decided to continue such discriminatory taxing of the exports of its neighbours.

Presided over by MCCI's president M Anis-ud-Dowla, the seminar was attended by the chairman of the Confederation of Indian Industry North East Council, Dipankar Chatterjee, and the chairman of the parliamentary standing committee on foreign affairs, Abul Hassan Ali, along with others.

------------------------------------------

India is pressing Bangladesh to agree to waive duties on transport of over-dimensional cargoes from its western side to the north-eastern states, government officials said.

'India is asking us to waive duties on transport of ODCs,' a senior official at the Prime Minister's Office told New Age.

'An adviser to prime minister Sheikh Hasina', the official said, 'is in favour of waiver of duties on transport of ODCs on the plea that it is a one-time deal between the two countries'.

'Apparently it is a one-time deal to allow India to transport ODCs [over- dimensional cargoes] via Bangladesh. But according to Article 22 of the joint communiqué issued on January 13 during the prime minister's visit to New Delhi, it is a deal for a "longer term transportation of ODCs", which has long-term implications,' another government official said.

Bangladesh agreed, during foreign minister Dipu Moni's visit to New Delhi in September, 2009, to provide India access to Ashuganj port here to facilitate 'transport of Over Dimensional Consignments for the Palatana power project in Tripura'.

During Sheikh Hasina's visit to New Delhi in January this year, the two sides agreed to declare Ashuganj in Bangladesh and Silghat in India ports of call.

In a joint meeting in April, both sides agreed that Bangladesh would collect duties under the Bangladesh customs laws.

Subsequently on May 31, the two sides amended the 'Protocol on Inland Water Transit and Trade' and added Ashuganj and Shilghat as ports of call.

Bangladesh has eventually allowed multi-module transit to India after adding Ashuganj as a new trans-shipment point between the two countries.

As per the new arrangement, India can now carry its goods not only by waterways but also by road and rail transports from one part of its territory to the other via Bangladesh.

The PIWTT amendment allowed India to carry goods to Ashuganj port by ferry and from where they could be taken to the north-eastern India by road transports and railway.

According to the amended PIWTT, the new route would be Kolkata-Holdiya-Raimongal-Mongla-Kaukhali-Barisal-Hizla-Chandpur-Narayangang-Boirab Bazar- Ashuganj. From Ashuganj, goods would be carried by trucks and tractor-trailors or by railway to the Akhaura-Agartala border.

The National Board of Revenue (NBR) has set duties by a statutory regulatory order (SRO) on June 10 for trans-shipment and transit of goods through Bangladesh.

The duties would be Tk 10,000 per TEU container if the cargo is transported by road or rail in such containers and Tk 1,000 per tonne if transported by covered vans or trucks or in bulk by non-container ships and trains.

The NBR circular also says that controlled items like arms and ammunition, alcoholic drinks and narcotics, endangered species of plants and animals, and other commodities with a ban on their import will not be allowed for trans-shipment or transit.

The SRO also said that Bangladesh customs officers must know and would have the authority to check what goods were being trans-shipped or in transit.

A Bangladesh Tariff Commission member said, 'Bangladesh stands to lose a large amount in revenue if duties are waived on the Palatana-bound ODCs as it would set a precedent to allow India to transport both public and private cargoes between their western and eastern regions.'

 http://www.newagebd.com/2010/aug/06/front.html#2



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