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Friday, September 17, 2010

[ALOCHONA] Partnership of Salman, Falu and Badal



Partnership of Salman, Falu and Badal
 
 


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[ALOCHONA] BURNING KASHMIR



BURNING KASHMIR
 
The world's longest-running international conflict – Kashmir – has burst once more into flames.
At least 69 Muslim Kashmiris protesting Indian rule have been shot down in the street by Indian paramilitary police in recent weeks. Scores more have been wounded as unrest spreads across the Himalayan mountain state. Kashmir's capital, Srinagar, is under military curfew.  
 
Indian and Pakistani military forces are on heightened alert as a result of the growing tensions.
 
A century ago, the great British geopolitician, Sir Halford Mackinder, called Kashmir one of the world's primary strategic pivots – the nexus of continents, empires, and civilizations.
 
In my first book, `War at the Top of the World,' which explores the Afghanistan and Kashmir conflicts, I described Kashmir as "the world's most dangerous crisis."
 
The danger still remains.   India and Pakistan, now both nuclear-armed, have fought three major wars over Kashmir. They remain at scimitar's drawn over the divided state. India keeps 500,000 troops and paramilitary police in Kashmir. 
 
In 1999, Pakistani troops moved into the Indian-ruled Ladakh region of Kashmir, nearly provoking another war between the two old foes. Both sides put their nuclear forces in high alert.   India and Pakistan have only a hair-trigger three minute alert window once they get warnings of enemy attack. This is almost launch on warning; the potential for an accidental war is enormous. 
 
A nuclear war between India and Pakistan would kill and injure tens of millions – and produce clouds of radioactive dust that would pollute all of Asia's major rivers and, eventually, the entire globe.  
 
I have frequently been under fire on the tense Pakistani-Indian cease fire line, know as the Line of Control, that divided Kashmir into Indian and Pakistani-ruled portions. Border clashes between Indian and Pakistani troops have frequently threatened to escalate into a wider conflict in the south on the broad plains of Punjab. 
 
Kashmir, some 92,000 sq miles (239,000 sq km), is roughly the size of Great Britain. It has 11 million people, which makes it larger than half the world's nations. Eight million Kashmiris live in the Indian-ruled portion; 3 million in the Pakistani part. Another million people of Kashmiri origin live in Pakistan's Gilgit-Baltistan region, which is part of historic Kashmir.
 
Like so many of our world's problems, the Kashmir conflict harks back to the British Empire.   In 1947, Imperial Britain divided the Indian subcontinent into India and the Muslim majority state of Pakistan.   Millions of Hindus and Muslims died in the ensuing carnage of partition.
 
Kashmir was an independent princely state ruled by a Hindu maharajah.   Seventy-seven percent of Kashmiris were Muslim; 20% Hindu; and the rest Sikhs and Buddhists. The Hindu prince wanted to join India, but most of his people wanted union with neighboring Pakistan. 
 
Violence erupted. Pakistan and India went to war over Kashmir. By the time the UN imposed a cease-fire, India held two-thirds, including the Vale of Kashmir, and Pakistan one third of the beautiful mountain state. They have sparred and warred over Kashmir ever since.
 
Further complicating matters, during the 1950's, China quietly occupied and annexed  Kashmir's 15,000 ft Aksai Chin region in order to build a military road linking its westernmost Xinjang province (the scene of the recent uprising by Muslim Uighurs) with Tibet.
China also claims the Indian-held Ladakh region of Kashmir as part of Chinese-ruled Tibet.   Ladakh is also called "Little Tibet."
 
Anti-Indian sentiment in Kashmir simmered until 1989 when full-scale rebellion or intifada by Kashmiri Muslims erupted. India battled for a decade to crush the uprising, often using tactics that Indian human rights groups and foreign rights groups condemned as brutal and violations of human rights. Massacres, torture, collective reprisals and gang rape became common. So did massacres of Hindus and Sikhs by Muslim insurgents. 
 
Pakistan's intelligence service, ISI, armed and aided Kashmiri mujahidin, and helped sustain the popular uprising, until 9/11 2001 when Washington forced Pakistan to mostly end its intervention in Kashmir.    
 
After 40,000-80,000 deaths, most of them Muslims, India seemed in recent years to have extinguished the uprising.   But now, it has sprung once more to life, sharpening Indian-Pakistani tensions and drawing China into the dispute.
 
In 1948, the UN Security Council ordered a plebiscite to determine if Kashmiris wanted to remain in India, or join Pakistan. India has adamantly rejected the UN resolution and insists Kashmir is a purely internal matter.
 
The uprising, asserts Delhi, is all due to "cross-border terrorism" from Pakistan. So the conflict has festered for 62 years – even longer than the dispute over Palestine. Further complicating matters, numerous Kashmiri Muslims are calling for an independent state and demand Pakistan return Gilgit-Baltistan ("Northern Territories" to Pakistan).
 
Now, the Kashmir conflict can no longer be avoided. It has become part of the arc of crisis that includes Afghanistan, Pakistan and India's violence-plagued western regions. Recent murderous attacks on India by Pakistan-based extremists were motivated by the ongoing conflict in Kashmir.  
 
Equally worrying, there are reports that Chinese troops have entered northern Pakistan, adjacent to Kashmir.   Beijing says these troops are helping repair the fabled Karakoram Highway (KKH), the only land link between close allies China and Pakistan. I have been over this 15,000 ft-high marvel carved from the ever-shifting mountains, one of my most hair-raising, thrilling adventures.
 
China is just finishing a deepwater port and naval base on Pakistan's western Arabian Sea coast at Gwadar. I first wrote about this highly strategic port in a 1980's New York Times op-ed piece, predicting it would become a major strategic issue. 
 
Gwadar will afford China's expanding navy a supply base and safe haven that gives onto the Indian Ocean and Gulf. Today, 55% of China's oil comes from the Gulf; in a few years, some 80%. Gwadar lies right on China's vital oil artery.
 
New roads, a railroad, and a gas pipeline are building northeast from Gwadar to the KKH, then into China.   India is increasingly alarmed by this strategic development, which it claims is part of China's growing "encirclement" of India.   Furthermore, India also warns that Chinese troops along the KKH are ready to intervene in Kashmir in the event of a new conflict between Delhi and Islamabad.
 
In spite of great reluctance, Washington is slowly being drawn into the Kashmir dispute. The US wants India and Pakistan to resolve their bitter Kashmir conflict so that the bulk of Pakistan's army, now deployed against an attack from India, can be sent into action in Afghanistan and the Northwest Frontier (recently miserably renamed, Pakhtunkhwa). But this cannot happen so long as Kashmir burns, so Washington is tip-toeing into a new diplomatic mess in the Himalayas.  
 
What a tangled web we weave…..Afghanistan can't now be solved without stabilizing Pakistan. But Pakistan will remain unstable and angry so long as the Kashmir conflict continues. But the Bush administration allied the US with India, infuriating old ally Pakistan which sees India and now the US as its principal enemies.  
 
Enter the dragon, China, Pakistan's closet current ally, expanding its power westward towards the oil-rich Gulf.   Sir Halford Mackinder, it appears, was quite right about Kashmir, which lies at the nexus of these great events.      


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[ALOCHONA] Political offspring



Political offspring

Dynastic politics is a South Asian norm and Bangladesh's political progeny is on a steady rise

by ANWAR PARVEZ HALIM

Dynastic continuity is a part and parcel of Bangladesh's national politics. Over the last 39 years of Bangladesh, Ershad was in power for a nine year stretch. In the other 30 years, it was either the Mujib family or the Zia family who ruled the roost. Sheikh Hasina entered politics as the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. She is present Prime Minister of the country, for the second time. On the other hand, Begum Khaleda Zia has been Prime Minister thrice. Her entrance into politics was as the widow of President Ziaur Rahman. The next generation of these dynasties are represented by Ziaur Rahman's son Tarique Rahman and Sheikh Hasina's son Sajeeb Wazed Joy.

Tarique entered politics quite some time back. While his mother Khaleda Zia was Prime Minister, he became the Joint Secretary General of BNP. He is presently the party's Senior Vice Chairman.

Tarique played a vital role in the victory of the BNP-led four-party alliance in the 2001 election. He is firmly established in BNP politics and has a large following with the party. Though he is in London at present, he has an important part in the party's policy matters. It is just a matter of time before he takes over the reins of the party.

In the meantime, speculations have been making rounds for long about the entrance into politics by Sajeeb Wazed Joy, the son of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. In the last election he was by his mother's side campaigning for Awami League. He reportedly had done the groundwork in the US to ensure the party's victory in the election.

On February 25 this year when Joy visited Rangpur, he officially became a primary member of Awami League. Joy, who is a US-based computer engineer, is playing a significant role in materialising his mother's dream of a "digital Bangladesh". However, it remains unclear as to when he will become a full-timer in Awami League.

There are two views within Awami League. One is that Joy will taker over the leadership of Awami League from his mother. Others feel that it is Sheikh Rehana who will inherit the party leadership. Sheikh Rehana, younger sister of Sheikh Hasina, has not officially joined politics as yet. Her daughter Rizwana Siddique Tulip, though, is involved in politics in the UK and was elected Councillor in the last election from the Regent's Park area in London.

Analysts say that as Tarique entered politics considerably before Joy, he has a head start.

This propensity of political involvement by the progeny of politicians is not restricted to these two major political families. There are young political aspirants willing to follow the footsteps of their fathers or mothers in all the political parties in power and out. There are at least 14 MPs in the present parliament whose fathers were, or still are, prominent politicians. The student leaders of the sixties are the veterans of today; their contribution to politics is enormous. Interestingly, though, not many of their offspring have shown interest in entering politics. Most of them are involved in various other professions.

PROBE investigations show that there are 12 Awami League MPs in the present parliament whose fathers were Awami Leaguers. Some of them were popular and well-known personalities at a national level. Former Chhatra League leader Iqbalur Rahim is the MP from Dinajpur-6. His father M Abdur Rahim was the District Awami League President as well as MP. The father of Tanveer Shakil Joy, MP of Sirajganj-1, is Mohammed Nasim, former Home Minister and presently member of Awami League central executive committee. Mohammed Nasim's father, in turn, was Captain Mansur Ali, a renowned minister of the Mujib cabinet. He was killed on November 3, 1975, in Dhaka Central Jail.

Syed Ashraful Islam, MP from Kishoreganj-1, is presently the General Secretary of Awami League. His father was Syed Nazrul Islam who had been the President of the Bangladesh government-in-exile in 1971. He was the Vice President during Mujib's rule.

Najmul Huq Papon is the MP from Kishoreganj-6. He is the son of President Zillur Rahman and late Ivy Rahman who was killed in the August 21 grenade blast. When Zillur Rahman became President, Papon became MP of the constituency relinquished by his father. Alongside politics, he is also the Managing Director of Beximco.

Zahid Malek, MP of the Manikganj-3 seat, is the son of late Col. (retd) MA Malek who had been Textiles Minister of the Ershad cabinet as well as Mayor of Dhaka City Corporation. Zahid Malek has also taken over his father's business, Thai Bangladesh Aluminum Ltd.

Barrister Sheikh Fazle Nur Taposh is the MP of Dhaka-12 (Dhanmondi). His father Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni was one of the main organisers of Mujib Bahini, founder of Jubo League and Joint Secretary of BKSAL. Sheikh Moni was the elder brother of Sheikh Selim, son of Sheikh Mujib's elder sister.

Gazipur-2's MP Zahid Hasan Russel is the son of late Ahsanullah Master. After his father was killed by assailants, Russel became MP in the by-elections to his father's seat.

Tanzim Ahmed Sohel Taj, MP of Gazipur-4, is the son of Tajuddin Ahmed, the Awami League leader killed in jail in 1975. Tajuddin was the Prime Minister of Bangladesh's government-in-exile in 1971 and later was the Finance Minister of the Mujib government. Sohel Taj's mother Zohra Tajuddin is a senior leader of Awami League. Sohel Taj is presently a minister without portfolio.

Meher Afroze Chumki is the daughter of late Moizuddin Ahmed, President of Red Crescent and an Awami Leaguer. He was killed during Ershad's rule. Chumki is now MP of Gazipur-5.

Abdullah Al Kaiser, MP of Narayanganj-3, is the son of Abul Hasnat, presently Vice President of District Awami League.

Noor-e-Alam Chowdhury Liton MP of Madaripur-1 is the son of late Ilyas Ahmed Chowdhury, an MP of Awami League. After he died, Liton became MP in the by-election and thus entered politics. Ilyas Ahmed Chowdhury was Sheikh Selim's brother-in-law. Sheikh Selim is Liton's maternal uncle.

Foreign Minister Dr. Dipu Moni was elected MP from Chandpur-3. Her father was MA Wadud, a member of Awami League during its founding and a close associate of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Dipu Moni's husband Toufiq Newaz is a lawyer. After passing her MBBS from Dhaka, Dipu Moni did her Masters in Law from London University. She is a lawyer of the Supreme Court alongside being a politician.

State Minister for Women and Children's Affairs Dr. Shireen Sharmin Chowdhury is the daughter of late Rafiqullah Chowdhury, a CSP officer and close associate of Sheikh Mujib. Shireen's husband Syed Ishtiaque Hossain is a pharmaceutical consultant. Shireen was made MP is the reserved quota for women.

Rajshahi City Corporation Mayor Khairuzzaman Liton is the son of AHM Qamaruzzaman, also killed in the central jail in 1975. He was the Industries Minister of the BKSAL government at the time of his death.

Kazi Faruk Kader is the Jatiya Party MP from Nilphamari-3 and son of the late Muslim League President Kazi Abdul Kader. Barrister Andaleeb Rahman Partho is the MP of Bhola-1 and head of Bangadesher Jatiya Party (BJP). He is the son of Naziur Rahman Manzur, a minister of the Ershad government. Partho is the nephew of Sheikh Selim.

Back to Awami League and the former Mayor of Dhaka late Mohammed Hanif's son Syed Khokan is a leader of Dhaka City Awami League.

Upon the death of Foreign Minister Abdus Samad Azad, his son Azizus Samad Don contested in the Sunamganj by-election. However he is now inactive in politics.

The father of Awami League's MP in Narayanganj Shamim Osman and his brother JP MP Nasim Osman was AKM Shamsuzzoha, founder of the District Awami League and an MP.

Other than Tarique Rahman, the offspring of BNP leaders who are in politics include former Finance Minister M Saifur Rahman's son Naser Rahman. He became the MP of Moulvibazar-3 in the by-election during the last government. He is active in BNP politics.

Afroze Khanum Rita became MP of Manikganj-2 through by-elections. Her father is industrialist Harunur Rasheed Monno, minister-without-portfolio of the four-party alliance government.

After BNP leader KM Obaidur Rahman passed away, his daughter Shyama Obaid entered BNP politics. She contested from the Faridpur-2 seat in the last election. BNP leader Chowdhury Tanveer Ahmed Siddiqui's son Irad Ahmed has shown interest to contest as Dhaka's Mayor.

The two sons of SA Khaleque, former MP of Mirpur, are involved in BNP politics. They are Mohsin and Omar Faruk. Irfan Babu, son of later Speaker Mirza Golam Hafiz, is involved in BNP politics. Son of former President Abdur Rahman Biswas, late Dr. Ehtesham Huq Nasim Biswas, was an MP from Barisal.

Prominent among those who have joined politics through family connections is Bikalpadhara leader Mahi B Chowdhury. When his father Prof. Dr. Badruddoza Chowdhury became the President of Bangladesh Mahi became MP through by-elections to the relinquished Munshiganj-1 seat. Later when the BNP government impeached B Chowdhury, he left the party to form Bikalpadhara. Mahi joined this new party. Alongside politics, Mahi runs Republic Entertainment.

However, a survey shows that there are more offspring of politicians who have chosen not to follow their father or mother's footsteps and have stayed away from politics. The prominent politicians who have refrained from passing down the political baton to their children, so far, include Awami League's Abdur Razzak, Abdul Jalil,  Suranjit Sengupta, Ataur Rahman Kaiser, Mohiuddin Ahmed Chowdhury, Abul Hasnat Abdullah, Nur-e-Alam Siddiqui and Sheikh Selim. From BNP there is Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan, Moudud Ahmed, Salahuddin Quader Chowdhury, Abdullah Al Noman, Amir Mahmud Khasru Chowdhury, Mir Nasir Uddin, Khandakar Delwar Hossain, Chowdhury Kamal Ibne Yusuf, Khandakar Musharraf, Nazrul Islam Khan, Shahjahan Siraj, Shah Moazzem and Tariqul Islam. The prominent Jatiya Party leaders whose offspring haven't joined politics as yet include Kazi Zafar Ahmed and Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury. The leaders of other political parties who also don't have offspring in politics include Anwar Hossain Manju, Sheikh Shaheedul Islam, Rashed Khan Menon, Dilip Barua, Mujaheedul Islam Selim, Manzurul Ahsan Khan, Muzaffar Ahmed, Hasanul Huq Inu, ASM Abdur Rab, Nur-e-Alam Ziku, Dr. Kamal Hossain, Barrister Amirul Islam and Haider Akbar Khan Rono. Among the Islamic parties, the offspring of Golam Azam, Matiur Rahman Nizami, Sayeedi, Mujahid, Amini, Moulana Mohiuddin Khan and Saikhul Hadith have stayed away from politics.



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[ALOCHONA] Chatra League / Juba League



Chatra League / Juba League
 
 
 
 
 
 


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[ALOCHONA] Bangladesh : Riding the Chinese Dragon



Bangladesh : Riding the Chinese Dragon
 
 
https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgOXV70_3Qmrgx0Czq2AbGGZQISqL3eTvkvk8r_7nSHFQYSEHhXBS_6SNaNdEkKB-3zhUJkVa4trfk7uKBUSgHmoKW6CiocDGYIR38bCEjOoFVaYwKjgXL_54NxhK0fORsjoQ9xeAU8WaI/s1600/Capture0dsfd47.jpg

By Manas Paul

For New Delhi there is something indeed unsettling in Bangladesh. China according to newspaper reports on Wednesday (September 15, 2010) had successfully prevailed upon Myanmarese military junta to allow their territory to directly connect China with Chittagong. Besides, as the situation stands today soon China would lay its hand on Chittagong port for up-gradation and begin construction of a deep sea port at Sonadia island -nine sq.km picturesque tourist spot-located on the Bay of Bengal-seven kms off Cox Bazaar port.

On 15 September, 2010 Bangladeshi newspapers reported that Chinese ambassador to Bangladesh Zhang Xianyi told Dhaka authorities on last Tuesday that Myanmar had agreed to the proposal for construction of a tri-nation highway connecting Chittagong and the Chinese city of Kunming in Yunan province through Myanmar. The message was conveyed to the Bangladesh minister for forests and environment, Hasan Mahmud. "Myanmar had kept its decision pending to a similar proposal made by Bangladesh earlier", the minister said.

China and Bangladesh both are also going ahead with two more proposals.- Chinese assistance for up-gradation of Chittagong port and creation of a 'deep sea port' in Sonadia Island.

"Xianyi told us that China would now provide support in the construction of the planned 'deep sea port' at Sonadia", Mahmud said.

In March this year, two months after her visit to India, Sheikh Hasina had gone to Beijing and requested Chinese President Hu Jintao to build the China -Chittagong road through Myanmar. The proposal had actually been first floated by her predecessor Begum Khaleda Zia in 2003.

https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiqQ9ZGNZrXr_rHiKMhD_ijslYoWJzyA2WPV_ctoq2KFAVNs_NX9lW32Ok3F0wKMOtAXlc6xk1t-vytXSTgVenHUSA3Np__zKYomhCIran_kovWuxnqJ4utOyHyguCYkWvBM8sQi7XUnDc/s400/Untitled-1+copy.jpg
China-Myanmar-Bangladesh tri-national highway, Beijing's imminent presence in Chittagong and Dhaka's interest to Chinese offer to Sonadia port construction, would inevitably pose serious geo-strategic threat to India and affect New Delhi's maritime interest. Both Chittagong and Sonadia would give China direct access to the Bay of Bengal and in extension to the Indian Ocean.

China had already got considerable trade and infrastructure development projects. Bilateral trade between Dhaka and Beijing is expected to increase to US$ 5 billion in 2010 from US$ 4.58 billion in 2009.

During her China visit in March this year Hasina surely kept in mind the strengthening Sino-Bangla economic cooperation. A joint communique was issued which said: The two sides decided to establish a "closer Comprehensive Partnership of Cooperation" between China and Bangladesh from the strategic perspective and on the basis of the principles of longstanding friendship, equality and mutual benefit.


Sheikh Hasina was open in her invitation to China. News items published on March 19, 2010 in various foreign newspapers said:

"China can be benefited by using the deep seaport while all neighboring countries also can use it," she stated as a key speaker at the Bangladesh-China Business Forum. She also invited Chinese investors to put money in Bangladesh's promising sectors like textiles, small machineries, fertilisers, footwear and ceramics.

"I would urge you to invest in Bangladesh which would be lucrative as well as strengthen further our two countries' relation," Hasina said.

The prime minister said at present, 55 Chinese enterprises with proposed investment of US $ 292 million has been invested creating job for over 45,000 Bangladeshis.

China was immediately responsive in agreeing to construction of eighth Bangladesh-China Friendship Bridge, Water Purification Project in Pagla, Financial and Technical support for construction of power plant in Bangladesh, strengthening organisational cooperation between China National Hybrid Rice Research Centre and Bangladesh Rice Research Institutes and waiving Chinese loan, besides China "Chittagong road link and port developments..Earlier in July 2006, China had declared zero tariff access for 84 Bangladeshi items, and preferential access under Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement.

The Sino-Bangla relations that began with Gen Zia Ur Rahaman's visit to China in 1977 evidently took a leap forward with successive regimes despite the fact that Beijing was opposed to creation of Bangladesh with support from India during Liberation War in 1971. China, in fact, quite openly sided with Pakistan in 1971 with Henry Kissinger visiting Beijing and meeting Mao Ze Dong on behalf of Nixon to garner support for Yahiya Khan.

However, in diplomacy things change fast and take an uncharted journey. Now China finds Chittagong an important destination to encircle India and breathe on her neck.

Beijing had already got access to and strengthened its maritime interest in Arabian sea and Indian Ocean through Gwador port in Pakistan, Hambantota in southern Sri Lanka, Kyakpiu in Myanmar. A news item in Indian media on September 17, 2010 said that China would also develop a facility off the Colombo port. No Indian agency or compnay bid for the project. (No Indian company or govt run agency had participated for Hambantota also).

China had created its huge naval base in Gwador in Pakistan.. The Karakoram highway that begins from Kashgar passes through 5,180 sq kms area -'Trans-Karakoram Tract' that in 1963 Pakistan ceded to China--through Gilgit Baltistan to Havelian in Abbotabad near Islamabad would eventually be connected to Gwador. In fact, it is through this route that recently 11,000 People's Liberation Army of China entered to Pakistan.

Besides, from Kashgar another road passing through Aksai Chin would also connect Lhasa in Tibet and then would be extended up to Kunming in Yunan province. This Lhasa- Kunming road would pass through an area not very far from Indian Himalayan frontier across Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh.
https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiESwYwRtCFEu6FM1r9ct8d-Y2f-tP_2rcVLzYjMKE_rG5oiZSAAIC90Z93xgVqCiKeJEaYO0OjfBI3oKmZpZ-GdClG1G_lUbJglP7EqRDG4PuEI4CvUnekTbVIpahKS1An78ilF2zwAN4/s1600/Oil-and-gas-pipelines-through-Burma_full_600.jpg

On last September 10 China flagged off the construction of a road and oil and gas pipeline from Kyakpiu to Kunming (An'ning City) in Yunan in its own territory while Construction of the pipeline's Myanmar section began in June.

"The 2,380-km long oil pipeline will end in Kunming City, capital of Yunnan. It is expected to carry 22 million tonnes of crude oil per annum to China from the Middle East and Africa". "The natural gas pipeline will be even longer, running from Kunming into Guizhou Province and the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region in south China for a total length of 2,806 km. It is expected to transport 12 billion cubic meters of gas to China every year. The project is the fourth way for oil and natural gas to enter China, after ocean shipping, the Sino-Kazakhstan pipelines and the Sino-Russian crude oil pipeline", said Global times of China on Saturday.
     
The project is aimed at transporting oil and gas from Africa and Middle East region to Kyakpiu by ship and then to China. The project would be completed in 2013. China's largest oil firm & parent company of PetroChina, CNPC was entrusted with the task of is building and operating the pipeline.

Intelligence reports had confirmed that while China had already got access to the Myanmar naval base in Hanggyi Island, it had for long been running monitoring stations at Coco Island, north of India's Andaman and Nicobar Islands.


China also completed first phase of Hambantota port in southern part of Sri Lanka which they claim to be a purely commercial project. However, experts feel that since the Gwador is located in Baluchistan in case of any trouble there Beijing would easily shift their base to Hambantota and have effective influence in the Indian Ocean. The three phase Hambantota project would complete in 2023.

Needless to say, after Gwador in Pakistan, Hambantota in Sri Lanka and Kyakpiu in Myanmar, Beijing succeeded in adding one more bead to its Indian Ocean centric geo-strategic policy-'String of Pearls' connecting Chittagong port in Bangladesh by road and also to strengthening its presence in Bangladesh considerably.

Close to North East India, Beijing's strong foothold in Myanmar and emerging presence in Bangladesh with many projects in hand would serve several purposes. While it had ostensible economic plans and hidden military components, the strong strides of dragon in the region is also considered as well-defined Chinese counter-strategy to Indian Look East policy.

This is a development that bears serious implications for Tripura which seeks an opening to the Indian Ocean through Chittagong port from Sabrum. Sabrum located in southern most part of Tripura is only 75 kms from Chittagong port.

The clearly visible 'String of Pearls' policy not only encircles India effectively with far reaching economic implications but also contains her reach and strategic maritime interest and influence in the Indian Ocean. China's 85 percent of fuel requirement is supplied from Africa and Middle East. The fuel shipment passes through Indian Ocean, Malacca strait to South China Sea to reach mainland. Gwador port located near Gulf of Harmuz and having access to Gulf of Eden helps China monitor its fuel shipment while Hambantota would serve Chinese purpose of extending its influence in the Indian Ocean. Kyakpiu, Chittagong and Sonadia ports would help China to transport its fuel land transportation facilities avoiding Malacca strait and South China Sea. In fact Global Times said , The Kunming-Kyakpiu oil pipeline would save 1,200 km of fuel shipping. In Malacca Strait Indian presence from Port Blair is strong and in South China Sea US seeks to unsettle Beijing's hegemony. Not only Hillary Clinton in ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) meet in Hanoi in July last clearly announced US stand on this but also Washington held joint naval drills with Vietnam and South Korea "much to Beijing's dismay only two months ago.


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[ALOCHONA] When the rule of law is questioned



When the rule of law is questioned


Mushfique Wadud talks to jurists and human rights activists about the recent move to provide presidential pardon to 20 death row convicts



 
Although the prime minister and the ruling party leaders, time and again, claim that they are trying to establish rule of law in the country, the recent incident of president's pardon to 20 death row convicts contradicts all such previous claims by the ruling party leaders.

   Most of the 20 pardoned convicts are Awami League leaders and activists, who were punished for their involvement in the killing of Jubo Dal leader, Sabbir Ahmed Gama. Gama, the nephew of former BNP deputy minister Ruhul Quddus Talukdar Dulu, was gunned down in 2004 in Natore.

   Except for one, who is still absconding, 10 of the convicts were released from the Dhaka Central Jail on September 6.

   Legal experts deem the pardon 'unusual' as 20 people were pardoned at the same time and the accused sought pardon before even the completion of the High Court (HC) hearing of this case. While talking to an English daily, renowned criminal law expert Anisul Huq could not recall whether any president had ever granted 20 convicts mercy at one go.

   However, during the four party alliance government rule, there was some controversy about the president's pardon to the murder convict, Mohiuddin Ahmed Jhintu, who, along with three others, were sentenced to death by a martial law court in 1982 for a double-murder in Demra. The Awami League minded lawyers demanded the law minister's resignation for the controversial pardon and there were rumours that the then-law minister, Moudud Ahmed, would resign for this controversy. Ironically, the present ruling party leaders had criticised the incident at that time.

   Although most prominent lawyers were vocal about Jhintu's pardon at the time, they are keeping mum following the recent incident. Dr Kamal Hossain and others demanded international probe into the controversial presidential amnesty to Jhintu in 2005. Experts say that the present pardon incident is worse than Jhintu's as the high court hearing for the case is still incomplete.

   Gama was murdered on February 7, 2004. A day after the killing, his father, Rafiqul Islam Talukder, filed a case with Naldanga Police Station accusing 16 Awami League adherents and activists. Police charged more people with the murder, later on.

   Judge Mohammad Firoz Alam of the Speedy Trial Tribunal-3 delivered the verdict on August 24, 2006, awarding death penalty to 21 people.

   The accused people appealed to the HC. However, they withdrew the appeal before the completion of the HC hearing and sought pardon from the president on April 15. On September 2, the president signed on the pardon document.

   Eminent legal experts and human right activists are saying that there should be an explanation from the government regarding the presidential pardon as through the incident the court is being bypassed.

   'The pardon is an unprecedented incident as the convicts seemingly bypassed the court,' says Asif Nazrul of the law department of the University of Dhaka. 'If it is said that they were innocent and they did not get justice, then there were chances of it still through the HC hearing. Why was there this wholesale pardon? How is it possible that a person was killed and all the accused were innocent. Sidestepping the court in such a manner will be devastating for the country,' he adds.

   'Through the incident, we can see that although it is said that the law is equal for everybody, it really is not equal for some people,' says the secretary general of Odhikar, Adilur Rahman Khan, who is also a Supreme Court lawyer. 'This incident is an insult to the rule of law idea,' he adds.

   'Although the government is saying that they are ruling the country by the constitution, they are not doing so, as according to the constitution, the law is equal for everyone. Such an incident will give rise to questions regarding the president's role. We saw such questionable pardon during the tenure of the previous government. People thought such culture would stop but it did not,' he adds.

   'If the accused are innocent, they could get justice from the court,' says prominent lawyer Rafiq-ul Haque. 'It seems that, in our country, the rule of law or the idea, that "the law is equal to everyone", are terms that only exist in the opposition's dictionary. However when these same political parties assume power, they totally forget the rules. People who are opposing the move may do the same when they are in power again,' he adds.

   'We are saying and you are writing about these things but who is actually listening? Do they care?' he asks.

   'As both the court and the president are the highest places of our expectations, we want and expect true and impartial judgments from them,' said Sultana Kamal, former caretaker government adviser and leading human rights activist, to an English language daily, following the pardon. 'As citizens, we expect an explanation from the government about the grounds on which those 20 people were granted presidential clemency,' she adds.

   'Without the completion of appeal process in the HC, the presidential pardon to so many accused is totally unexpected and unfortunate,' prominent lawyer Shahdin Malik wrote in an article in a Bengali language daily recently. 'This incident is a precursor to the country's future problems. Such controversial incidents lessen the acceptance and through fewer acceptances, a country eventually becomes a failed state,' he wrote.
 


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[ALOCHONA] Fwd: Dragon’s teeth



------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Zoglul Husain
Thanks to you and MBI Munshi for forwarding the important article, titled Dragon's Teeth, published in a magazine in Kerala, India. The article gives graphic details of India's two-front war preparation against what it terms as China-Pakistan axis. This has very wide-ranging implications for Bangladesh. Especially, as in any war situation between India and China-Pakistan, the narrow strip of India's Siliguri corridor (Chicken's neck) may be, and possibly will be, blocked by India's opposite side. It may even be blocked in India's internal conflict with ULFA or with the Maoists (the Maoists now control 40% of India's land mass and India has already launched military operation against them). So India would want to use Bangladesh as their military corridor and general supply route, which means they will need to establish military control over Bangladesh.
 

On the other hand, once India starts using Bangladesh as a supply route, their rival forces, internal or external, would start attacking the supply route. There may then be bomb attacks, rocket attacks, guerrilla attacks, military invasion, internal sabotage and counter sabotage, etc., in Bangladesh, which may turn into a battle ground between rival powers. This will have dire consequences for Bangladesh, - economically, politically and militarily, causing large scale death and destruction.
 

As a precaution, we must politically resist any of govt's attempt of conceding transit-corridor to India. We must keep on campaigning against Indian hegemony over Bangladesh. We must not lose our independence and sovereignty to the hegemonists, whatever the international conspiracies against us and whatever support that India can muster!
 
Zoglul Husain, UK
Email: zoglul@hotmail.co.uk
 

Date: Fri, 17 Sep 2010 07:01:26 +0600
Subject: Dragon's teeth
From:
bdmailer@gmail.com


Dragon's teeth
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
China sees red over India securing Tawang, looks to attack where it hurts the most—Kashmir

By R. Prasannan

It is back to eyeball-to-eyeball, barrel-to-barrel and bayonet-to-bayonet on the India-China border. Narasimha Rao's 1993 agreement on border peace and tranquillity is dead. So is the 1995 agreement to pull back from Sumdorong Chu, as well as the 1996 agreement on military confidence-building. These agreements had enabled the Indian Army to move several divisions from the China border and deploy them in the Kashmir Valley to fight insurgents. It also enabled China to focus less on military matters, make economic progress, show a soft face to the world, host the Olympics and gain global prestige.

Kashmir is secure and the Olympics over. Both countries are currently on a military-building spree over the Himalayas. Indeed, China drew the first blood by building rail lines, roads and airfields so that it can quickly move huge divisions into Tibet from where they can pulverise the frontiers of India. Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh, with its politically sensitive monastery which the Chinese have always coveted, looked particularly vulnerable.

India has been paying back in the same coin, building border roads for quick troop movement, upgrading airfields in Ladakh and helipads in Arunachal, raising new Army divisions, redeploying an entire corps, and even giving wings to entire brigades for heli-lift. Operation Falcon, Indira Gandhi's 15-year border militarisation programme launched in 1980 and given up in 1993, has been re-started under another name. With the result that Arunachal, especially Tawang, is today an Indian fortress, or a windmill which would be quixotic for the Chinese to tilt at. A frustrated China, therefore, is seeking out another Achilles' heel in Kashmir's Ladakh.

Recent Chinese actions against Kashmir and Ladakh are evidence of this frustration, say senior Indian Army officers. Militarily, there were a series of Chinese border intrusions in Ladakh last year. Diplomatically, China altered its public posture on Kashmir from 'hands-off' (even during Kargil war, China refused to help Pakistan) to a declaration that Kashmir is 'disputed territory'. Adding insult, Beijing even offered to mediate on Kashmir between India and Pakistan. Then it offered to host Hurriyat chairman Mirwaiz Umar Farooq in China and began issuing visas to Kashmiris on loose sheets, indicating that Beijing does not recognise their Indian passports and nationality.

The latest: China denied visa to India's Kashmir commander, Lt.-Gen. B.S. Jaswal, who was to visit Beijing on a mutually agreed confidence-building military visit. Simultaneously, it moved a battalion of troops into Khunjerab Pass in Pakistan-held Gilgit-Baltistan, ostensibly to help Pakistan combat the floods, but probably to build a rail line that would take Chinese goods to Pakistan's ports and Chinese troops to the doors of Siachen. From there, the troops could threaten the Indian sources of several rivers that flow into Pakistan. All of a sudden, the Indian Army in Ladakh is finding the Chinese on three sides—Aksai Chin in the east which China occupied in 1962, Xinjiang in the north and Gilgit-Baltistan in the west annexed by Pakistan in 1947-48.

The Chinese build-up around Ladakh, India believes, is a tit-for-tat for India's fortressing Arunachal which, in turn, had been done in response to the Chinese build-up in Tibet. China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) had moved troops into Tibet following the anti-Beijing riots in March 2008. Hundreds of armoured vehicles, fit for fighting regular military battles, poured into Tibet from the Leshan-(Sichuan province) based 149 Division through the newly built Qinghai-Tibet rail line. More of them drove in through the Sichuan-Tibet Highway.

Most of the troops returned after shooting the rioters, but the 149 Division's 52 and 53 Brigades have since been converted into rapidly mobile units which can be deployed in Tibet's southern frontiers (bordering India) within 48 hours. Next, the PLA moved to acquire a capability to rail-move its 61 and 149 Rapid Action Divisions into Tibet.

Sensing trouble, the Indian defence ministry permitted the Indian Air Force (IAF) to move a squadron of Sukhoi-30MKI warjets from their Pune base to Bareilly in Uttar Pradesh from where they can strike deep into Tibet and even mainland China. And early this year, the 30 squadron of Sukhois flew into Tezpur in Assam and parked themselves there, just in case.

The presence of Sukhois rattled China. It suddenly realised that its rail line into Tibet, a military engineering marvel (runs at 4,200 metres from sea level, and so the crew and passengers need to be acclimatised for the journey), is vulnerable to interdiction bombing by Sukhois. It also realised that roads were safer for troop movement during war than trains. So Beijing embarked on a programme of upgrading its highways into Tibet, especially National Highway 318 which connects Linzhi (where the 52 Mechanised Brigade is stationed) to Lhasa, the Qinghai-Tibet Highway and the Sichuan-Tibet Highway.

The development was noted by the defence ministry. "...There is a feeling," Defence Secretary Pradeep Kumar told Parliament's standing committee on defence in a classic understatement, "that our neighbouring country, China, has been able to build up a very good infrastructure" close to the Indian borders.

China has also been enhancing its strike power in Tibet. The Indian Army believes that the PLA can move one full mechanised infantry division into Tibet in 48 hours in an emergency, and about 10 divisions in one month for a permanent base. More worryingly, in its largest ever tactical exercises (code-named Stride) last year, the PLA demonstrated awesome airlift capability. As per the Indian Army's assessment, China today can airdrop an infantry brigade of 3,000-plus in one airlift and an entire infantry division of about 15,000 troops and their equipment in a single operation.

In addition, China is also learnt to have raised a rapid deployment force (called Emergency-Resolving Mobile Combat Force) which can induct four divisions on any stretch of its frontier (or enemy territory) on a day's notice. Plus, the PLA's logistics management has been tuned in such a way as to gain a capability to move 20 to 25 divisions over two months. Most of these capabilities were proven in Stride-2009 in which 50,000 troops were moved across 1,600km by road, rail and air from the military districts of Shenyang, Lanzhou, Jinan and Guangzhou.

Stride-2009 was essentially aimed at proving the PLA's ability to mobilise in real time. However, what alarmed India was the simultaneous building of advance infrastructure in Tibet so that nearly 25 divisions could be moved into Tibet at short notice. China had three main airfields in Tibet—Kongka, Hoping and Pangta. However, in the months prior to Stride-2009, China built or operationalised two more around Lhasa, and four more elsewhere in Tibet, thus giving them nine airfields to land troops and support fighter operations. And about two months ago, China even exercised a few squadrons of Sukhois and J1s over Tibet. "Exercising them over Tibet has other implications," said an IAF officer. "You cannot have a sustained exercise programme without having built massive ground support system. Thus even if China is not basing advanced fighters in Tibet as of now, they have all the ground systems in place. They can move in the aircraft in a matter of two hours now."

More worrying has been the recent integration of their non-nuclear strategic missiles with their military area commands. India has kept its non-nuclear missile regiments (such as 333) under a separate command so that battalion or brigade commanders are not tempted to use them in the event of minor battlefield reverses. China, however, has integrated them into their area commands which signals that their use in battle is being left to the judgment of middle-level commanders.

All these military posturings, which have been evolving over the last two years, have been 'doctrinised' in the White Paper that China published on January 20, 2009, the day Barack Obama was inaugurated in Washington. The White Paper talked of a new doctrine called 'active defence' aimed at "winning local wars in conditions of informationisation [sic].... This guideline lays stress on deterring crises and wars.... It calls for the building of a lean and effective deterrent force and the flexible use of different means of deterrence."

Indian defence ministry reacted with unprecedented alacrity. It sought permission to restart Operation Falcon—programme to build border roads and other infrastructure for quick military movement into Arunachal— launched in 1980 by General Krishna Rao on the orders of Indira Gandhi. China had captured Tawang in 1962 but had withdrawn realising that it could not hold on in the event of a counter-attack by the Indian Army. The operation was launched to secure Tawang against any adventurism by China. However, India had to suspend the operation in 1993 in lieu of China promising not to foment any border trouble.

Now with China building up forces in Tibet, Delhi had no option but to re-start the operation. The foreign office made a high-level visit to Arunachal and apprised the cabinet of the pluses and minuses of agreeing to the defence ministry's request. Reacting with unprecedented swiftness, India launched a massive border road-building programme, not just by the defence ministry's Border Roads Organisation (BRO), but even under Centrally-funded state government efforts such as Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana. "Earlier the military doctrine of the country was not to have roads close to borders," Defence Minister A.K. Antony told the Rajya Sabha last month, "but the same has now been revised in the changing geo-political scenario, and the government has taken a conscious decision to expedite construction of road infrastructure in border areas."

A few days earlier, the BRO had told Parliament's standing committee on defence: "Two years back the philosophy of our nation was that we should not make roads as near to the border as possible.... It is only two to three years back that we suddenly decided a change in philosophy and said, no, we must go as far forward as possible."

Indeed, the military and the BRO moved with incredible speed to match the Chinese road for road. "Border Roads Organisation has been asked to concentrate on strategic roads," Antony told the Rajya Sabha on August 11. "There are 73 roads on India-China border (length 3,647km), out of which the BRO has been entrusted with 61 roads of total length of 3,394km in J&K, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh. Out of 61 roads, 14 roads of length 556.22km have already been completed and work is under progress on 42 roads....[Work] on five roads has not commenced." According to Antony, 41 roads are planned to be completed by 2013 and the remaining six later.

The IAF, facing a severe shortage of transport helicopters, too, has been asked to pitch in. It lent 142.45 tonnes of heli-lift capability to the BRO in the last six months. Finding this inadequate, the ministry has asked the BRO to hire Pawan Hans helicopters.

While the BRO has been building roads, the Army and Air Force have been enhancing their strike power. The Dimapur Corps (3 Corps), which has several mountain divisions under it, has been completely pulled out of counter-insurgency operations in the northeast and converted into a full-fledged offensive corps on the China border. The corps has also been given awesome firepower. The Rangia-based 2 Mountain Division has been pulled out from the Tezpur Corps (4 Corps) and attached to the offensive Dimapur Corps. The corps has also been promised, in an emergency, the services of 41 Division, which is still under the Tezpur Corps. And crowning all the moves is a recent accretion: two new mountain divisions—numbered 41 and 56—have been quietly raised and given to the Dimapur Corps.

In short, in case the Chinese attempt any kind of adventurism on the Arunachal-Sikkim sector, the Indian Army would have three full corps waiting for them—the Sukhna-based 33 Corps, the Tezpur-based 4 Corps and the newly-augmented Dimapur-based 3 Corps. All of them have also been given the light 155mm guns which can be heli-lifted. Advanced landing grounds have been built in Tuting, Pasighat, Vijaynagar, Along and Mechuka in Arunachal for heli-landing troops and equipment. "Take it from me," said a general staff officer, "if they come, the Chinese will find Tawang an impregnable fortress."

Apparently the Chinese know this. And so they have been shifting focus onto the western sector comprising India's Ladakh. A few probing trespasses were made there last year, to which India responded with three measures. First, Jairam Ramesh's road-blocking environment ministry withdrew its objections to building roads in some 760 Himachal villages. Second, the Indian Air Force augmented and activated a landing strip at Nyoma, 20km from the China border for taking troop-carrying Antonov-32 planes. Next, the IAF developed two more airstrips at Fukche and Daulat Beg Oldi.

The third move, by the cabinet, was to clear the contract for building a tunnel in Rohtang which would make it possible for the troops to move to Ladakh at any time of the year. At present the Ladakh garrisons are supplied troops, food, fuel and ammunition through two routes. One is the Pathankot-Srinagar-Zoji la-Kargil-Leh route, which is blocked by snow in winter and is within the firing range of Pakistani artillery (Kargil war 1999). The other is the Kullu-Manali-Rohtang-Leh route, which is also snow-blocked in winter. A horse-shoe tunnel in the snow-prone stretch at more than 3,000 metres near the 4,000-metre-high Rohtang Pass would make the route available throughout the year. The project was approved in 2000, but no progress has been made since. Suddenly the government remembered it and Sonia Gandhi inaugurated its construction on June 28.

These moves, India expects, would make a Chinese bid on Ladakh from Aksai Chin in the east almost impossible. So the Chinese are opening another front on the west—from Gilgit-Baltistan in Pakistan-held northern areas.
What next, Delhi?
 


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[ALOCHONA] AABEA's Biennial Convention on October 9, 2010 (Saturday) with Entertainment/Cultural Program, Science Fair, Seminar, & Dinner [1 Attachment]

[Attachment(s) from Mahfuzur Rahman included below]

 

The following event is NOT limited to engineers and architects only.  All are invited to attend & enjoy.
   
American Association of Bangladeshi Engineers & Architects
(AABEA)
Presents
 
 AABEA's Biennial Convention 2010
 
on
Saturday, October 9, 2010 from 10:00 am till 12:00 midnight
 
University of Maryland at Shady Grove

9630 Gudelsky Drive, Rockville, Maryland 20850


Admission Price: $20.00 per person in online
                                                     $30.00 per person at the door on Oct 9 
                                                          FREE for Science Fair participants and children under 12 
                                                                  (Courtesy dinner is included in the admission)

REGISTER NOW!  Tickets are selling very fast!  After making your payment through online, please print the confirmation receipt.  Please bring the print out & your valid ID at the hall to get your tickets.  
http://www.aabeadc.org/Events.html

~~~~ Please see the attached colorful flier ~~~~

tixbutton.jpg

PROGRAM SCHEDULE:
10:00 am to 12:00 Noon:  SCIENCE FAIR for children ages 5 to 17
                                   (Parents, please register your child at
                             http://www.aabeadc.org/convention2010/sciencefair by September 30)
1:00 pm to 5:00 pm:  Technical Seminar series on various topics
5:30 pm to 7:30 pm:  Courtesy DINNER for ticket holders only
                              (Serving of dinner shall close promptly at 7:30 pm)
7:30 pm to 9:00 pm:  Welcome Ceremony & Award Ceremony for Science Fair participants
                             (please show your wrist band before entering in auditorium)
9:00 pm to 11:30 pm:  Entertainment program {special attractions are described in the following}
                               (please show your wrist band before entering in auditorium)

 
ATTRACTIONS OF THE ENTERTAINMENT PROGRAM
Songs, Dances, Music Video, Fashion Show, Comedy Drama "Bhalobasha Bhalobasha" by Jamaluddin Hussain & Mrs. Rowshon Ara Hussain (leading members of "Nagorik Natya Shomprodai" and founders of "Nagorik Natyangan"), and modern songs by Anila Chowdhury (a first line popular singer in Bangladesh) 

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

DIRECTIONS:   From I-495 take I-270 North towards Frederick.  Take Exit 8 to Shady Grove Rd.,  At exit ramp keep left and turn left at signal on Shady Grove Road – West towards Hospital.  Pass the Hospital.  Next signal is Rte 28 (Darnestown Road).  Pass Rte 28, then turn immediate first right at Gudelsky Drive.  After entering to Gudelsky Drive, turn left and continue, you will see the Auditorium Building at your right.  Parking is on your left.
______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

 

Enjoy a diverse selection of Science Fair, series of very highly informative Seminars, shopping opportunities throughout the day, and end on a high note with a breathtaking Entertainment Program on October 9, 2010.  Please mark your calendar immediately for October 9, 2010 to bring your family, relatives, & friends and stay with us all day & evening to enjoy AABEA's Biennial Convention as well as annual family & friends get together.  Thank you very much for your outstanding help & support and remember, together we can achieve great things.
 
Best Regards,
 
AABEA Central Executive Committee and AABEA Washington DC Executive Board
 
For further information please contact us at "contact@aabeadc.org".
 
or any of the following executive board members:
Faisal Quader, President, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 301-990-7363; 301-526-7888 (cell) 
Nasreen Chowdhury, President-Elect, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 703-493-9219; 703-944-4604 (cell)
Ajhar Nakib, Secretary, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 703-760-9616; 703-953-4788 (cell)
Mahfuzur Rahman, Treasurer, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 410-796-0577; 301-646-3475 (cell); 703-875-4054 (work) 
Shah "Raja" Ahmed, Executive Member, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 301-873-1440 (cell)
Zia Karim, Executive Member, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 352-383-1582; 410-807-6160 (cell)
Imran Feroz, Executive Member, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 443-756-9858
Misu Tasnim, Executive Member, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 240-462-4000 (cell)
Hares Sayeed, President, AABEA Central Committee: 202-841-6269
Ahmed Ali, Executive Member of AABEA Central Committee and Liaison to Washington DC Chapter: 301-404-5567
 
American Association of Bangladeshi Engineers & Architects (AABEA)

Attachment(s) from Mahfuzur Rahman

1 of 1 Photo(s)


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