| Targeting the Reds Musfequr Rahman finds out how a large part of the trend of 'extrajudicial killings' is designed specifically to exterminate the ultra-leftwing political elements in the country
During the early hours of the morning, on November 14, Lutfor Khalasi, said to be a regional leader of the ultra-leftwing Sarbahara Party, and his brother Khairul Khalasi were picked up by Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) officials. Left in a state of anxiety, Lutfor's wife Jharna Begum and his son Bablu called for a meeting in the Madaripur district on the same day, where they alleged that in July 2008, Lutfor's brother Obaidul had been picked up under similar circumstances before being killed in crossfire. Fearing the worst for their loved ones, Jharna and Bablu plead with the law enforcement personnel not to persecute the brothers in crossfire, but instead, urged the officials to go through the legal process while they were still held in custody. Just over 36 hours later, on November 16, the family's worst fears were eventually met as the dead-bodies of Lutfor and Khairul, were found, hung upside down, in a field. Newspapers across the country by this time picked up on the incident, prompting the High Court Bench of Justice AFM Abdur Rahman and Justice Md Emdadul Haque Azad to issue a suo moto ruling on the government, on November 17, seeking an explanation from it within 48 hours as to why the crossfire killing of the brothers under RAB's custody should not be declared illegal. The ruling was chiefly addressed to the home secretary, Rapid Action Battalion director general, RAB 8 commanding officer and RAB 8 officer Major Ohiduzzaman who arrested the two at Jatrapur in Narayanganj early Saturday. THE High Court ruling came against the backdrop of the number of reported extrajudicial killings through 'crossfire' or 'encounter' reaching a figure of 1,462 since June 24, 2004, when the first case of crossfire killing at the hands of RAB was reported. Of the 1,462 victims of extrajudicial killings, 240 were killed in 2004, 396 in 2005, 355 in 2006, 184 in 2007, 149 in 2008 and 138 in 2009. As the figures above indicate, the trend of extrajudicial killings have gone unabated while the government have yet to reply to the rulings issued on it by the High Court, including two in 2006 and another one in June 2009, regarding extrajudicial killing by law enforcers in the name of 'crossfire' or 'encounter.' Upon analysing this trend of extrajudicial killings in Bangladesh, many experts point out that a very large proportion of the victims consist of members of a number of outlawed radical leftwing parties including Purba Bangla Communist Party (ML- Janojuddho), Purba Bangla Communist (ML-Lal Pataka), Sramajibi Mukti Andolon, Sarbahara, Sarbahara Party (Zia group), Sarbahara Party (Kamrul group), Purbo Bangla Sarbahara Party. Over the last few years, the killings of well-known radical leftist organisers such as Dr Mizanur Rahman Tutul, Mofakkhar Hossain and Abdur Rashid Malitha alias Dada Tapan have raised concerns about whether radical leftists are being systematically targeted. According to Odhikar, among the 132 alleged criminals to have died in 'crossfire' in Bangladesh in 2008, 52 of them came from established ultra-left backgrounds. And from January to November in 2009, out of a total 140 extrajudicial deaths, 65 were identified as outlawed party activists. It has also been noted that most extra-judicial killings occur in Kushtia, Jhenaidah, Naogaon, Jessore, Meherpur, Chuadanga and Khulna districts of Bangladesh, otherwise known as Sarbahara strongholds. While, there is no doubt that many of these outlawed outfits engage in heinous criminal activities, what is alarming is that they have been targeted for extermination through this special mode, while the equally dangerous, if not more, right-wing radical fundamentals, have by and large been accorded the proper course of justice. Experts point out, judging by events taking place in neighbouring countries such as India and Nepal, this systematic extermination probably has direct patronage of the United States. DR Tutul was arrested from Uttara, Dhaka, by the Rapid Action Battalion in November, 2008. After hearing the news of her son's arrest, his mother Novera Haque went to the district office of RAB in Naogaon where she found no assistance. She immediately made her way over to the Naogaon Press Club on November 26 in an attempt to convey her appeal to the government to save Dr Tutul from losing his life in crossfire, but to no avail. The dead body of Dr Tutul was found the very next day. Tutul is one of the many leftist politicians to have been killed by one of the various forces instated by the state mechanisms that are in place. Sixty-three-year-old Mofakkhar Hossain, one of the founders of the banned Purbo Banglar Communist Party was also killed in crossfire by RAB in December 2004, in Kushtia. After the death of Mohammad Toaha and Abdul Haque, Mofakkhar was regarded as the last member of the old guard, leading an armed Marxist group. Incidentally, when his house was investigated for arms, the officials discovered an ocean of books instead of the guns and the grenades they were expecting to find. Purbo Banglar Communist Party (ML-Janajuddha) chief Abdur Rashid Malitha alias Dada Tapan' s death is also another recent example of extrajudicial killing that springs to mind. Tapan was killed along with an aide in an encounter with RAB troops at Baradi village in Kushtia on June 18, 2008. 'It is murder, clean murder,' cries intellectual Badaruddin Umar when relating Dr Tutul's death. 'The left-leaning progressive anti-imperialist forces are being targeted and killed, mostly under the instruction of the USA,' he alleged. 'Not a single leader or cadre of the communalist Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) was killed in "crossfire". If even after serial bombings and murders throughout the country, Shayek Rahman (Bangla bhai) was sent for trial, then why weren't these revolutionary leaders?' asks Umar. SOME experts claim that extrajudicial forces like RAB are formed to serve the interests of the imperialist powers that be, who exercise their influence on other states and manipulate the governments to eradicate the activities of parties whose ideologies carry a threat against theirs, especially now with the rise of radical leftists in India and Nepal as well as other parts of world. Faizul Hakim, secretary, National Liberation Council affirms the notion that these forces primarily serve to protect the interests of foreign powers, citing RAB's formation under the supervision of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) as was announced by a senior official during RAB's inauguration, and the funding, training and logistic support it is provided with by the United States of America. 'Our security concepts are designed by the imperialist powers and the regional hegemonic powers. These powers believe that leftists, communists and fundamentalists worldwide provide the main obstacles to their interests,' said Faizul. An expert on condition of anonymity said that besides funding and training, delegates from USA also visit at regular intervals to assess RAB's progress. 'Such types of elite forces, especially sponsored by the USA, were active in countries like Iran, Iraq, Turkey and India to suppress the revolutionary activists,' says Haider Akbar Khan Rano, convener, The Workers Party (reconstituted). Across the border, in India, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh announced on October 11 this year that the Indian government is determined to take 'effective measures' against Maoist guerrillas. It is now thought that among the 29 states of India, Maoist and leftist forces are in control of 20 states with more than 20,000 radical leftist activists based in remote areas and jungles, trying to build close ties with the oppressed and the deprived. Recently, the home ministry of India has been planning a major armed offensive against the radical leftists, better known as Naxalites, that involves stationing around 75,000 troops in the heartland of India. Commander M Sohail, director, legal and media wing of Rapid Action Battalion, however, denied that RAB had any direct links with the FBI. 'FBI is an intelligence unit. The armed force investigation unit of RAB has some similarity with that of the FBI, especially with regards to the forensic department,' he says. 'The initiatives were taken to advance the investigation unit in conformity with the FBI, but there are no ideological links,' he says. Sohail says that RAB exchange only experience, knowledge, training and facilities with defense teams of USA, UK and Australia mostly. Sohail says that since the inception of RAB, it has three core objectives that include nabbing of ultra radicals and fundamentalists, eradicating drug smuggling, and recovering illegal arms. 'These tasks were not directed by outside powers, rather the deteriorating law and order situation inside Bangladesh propelled us to ensure civilian safety,' added Sohail. Acloser look at the development of such incidents throughout the course of history reveals that radical leftists have been the primary targets in the extrajudicial killings that have taken place since the liberation war, say experts. The leaders of the state actively pursue ways to curb down such groups while agencies such as the Rakkhi Bahini and RAB were formed to contain the activities of left-leaning parties. Most of the parties, because of the stringent state policies, went underground. With the Rakkhi Bahini by then operating in full-swing, around 30,000 left-leaning activists were killed without a trial during the first half of the 1970s. Among them, 20,000 were Jatiya Samajtamtrik Dal (JSD) activists, according to Major Jalil of JSD at a meeting in 1980. And the remaining 10,000 were the activists of Bangladesher Chhatra League, Jatiya Sramik League, Jatiya Krishak League and ultra-leftists belonging to PBCP and Maoists, [Bhashani (NAP)] and some other radical parties. Siddique Master of Nababganj, Naval Siraj, Steward Mujib of Sariatpur, Patrol of Jamalpur, Nikhil Chandra Saha of BUET, Khalil of Bogura, Motiar Rahman Kochi of Ishwardi, Raisuddin Pradhan of Gaibandha, Musarraf Hossain of Jessore were among the many to have been killed during that period, according to Adilur Rahman Khan, executive director of Odhikar, a rights-based organisation. 'Siraj Sikdar was also killed in Savar by the Rakkhi Bahini in 1974,' Adilur adds. During the end of 1975, by which time, the political situation had been completely transformed, the members of the Rakkhi Bahini were integrated into the military force. Many experts say that this militant-streak has carried on from that time, breaking into killing-sprees whenever there has been an opportunity. The activities of the special forces such as RAB, which constitutes members of the armed forces, are rarely investigated and they remain immune to any punishment. In Bangladesh, following the declaration to outlaw several political parties under the tenure of Late President Ziaur Rahman, a number of activists were killed without trials. Beside the special forces, most underground politicians have also been tortured by the fundamentalist Islamic groups, such as JMB and Harkatul Jihad, Bangladesh. During the late-nineties, these fundamentalists groups were patronised by the regional political leaders of the Awami League, Bangladesh Nationalist Party, Jatiya Party and Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, to nullify the revolutionaries. 'During Sheikh Mujib's tenure, certain state mechanisms were legislated through the "Special Power Act" which legitimised the formation of Rakkhi Bahini,' says Adilur. During the tenures of Ziaur Rahman and General Ershad, a similar process of repression against the 'anti-state forces' was legitimised through the Military Act. Similarly, it was the Anti-terrorism Act during the first tenure of Begum Khaleda Zia's government, which later went on to conduct 'operation clean heart', instigating a series of extrajudicial killings nationwide, while during the tenure of Sheikh Hasina's government, it was the Public Safety Act which was used to legitimise such activities. Most of these paramilitary forces, such as RAB formed with the amendment of Police Battalion Act, are a legacy of the Rakkhi Bahini and have been formed with a similar motive to curb down as well as to blatantly demolish any form of political resistance in crossfire, believes Mustain Zahir, editorial board member of Pakkhik Chinta. ACCORDING to Commander M Sohail, the Khalasi brothers were listed as accused in seven criminal cases. Among them were three murder cases, two cases of possession of illegal arms while the remaining cases involved extortion. Over the years, however, no witnesses made appearances in court, in fear of repercussions. 'Locals of Madaripur told us that in 2004, both the brothers killed a sub-inspector (SI) of the detective branch. They beheaded the corpse of the SI and then sliced it into 80 pieces. We believe they have so far killed anywhere between 30 to 40 people,' says Sohail. Over the last three decades, many elements of the ultra-left wing outfits have transformed into out-and-out criminals. In fact, many people in the south-western regions of the country have been terrorised by criminal outfits engaged in murder, abduction and extortion, who describe themselves as Sarbaharas. According to a RAB report, since their formation in 2004, the activities of ultra-left radicals have drastically come down. Compiled over 2002 to 2008, the report identifies that from 489 murders committed by ultra-left elements in 2002, the number has come down to only 79. But that is no justification for being denied the course of justice. 'Whatever the allegations may be about the ultra-leftists, the brutal killing in the name of crossfire cannot ever be acceptable,' says Rano. 'Killing of people or ultra radicals in the name of crossfire can never be accepted as it is a complete disregard of human rights, civil rights and a violation of the constitution and the rule of law,' says Khalequzzaman, convener, Bangladesher Samajtantrik Dal. THE party in power, the Awami League, had been strongly critical of 'extra-judicial killings' during the tenure of the previous government. However, over the last one year in power, their stand now appears changed. Foreign Minister Dipu Moni, at a briefing at the ministry on May 29, 2009 said, 'we cannot change the culture of extrajudicial killings overnight as it has developed over a period of time.' PM Sheikh Hasina, Home Minister Sahara Khatun and other influential government leaders such as Shahjahan Khan, have also made efforts to continually justify extrajudicial killings through crossfire. On May 16, the home minister endorsed her deputy's positive take on extrajudicial killings. The government's shift from condemnation to justification of extrajudicial killings marked a full circle when the prime minister told a news conference in New York on September 27 that she was not for extrajudicial killing but if a criminal would open fire, law enforcers could not sit idle. Exposing the government's unwillingness to end extrajudicial killing, the shipping minister, Shahjahan Khan, on October 3, said the government would need to continue with extrajudicial killing until terrorist activities and extortion were uprooted. 'Those who exercise state powers support these brutal killings,' says Monzurul Ahsan Khan, president, the Communist Party of Bangladesh. 'People like Muffakhar and Dr Tutul belonged to the intellectual sections of the ultra leftist parties and there was no reason for them to be put under crossfire,' added Khan. 'We do not believe in crossfire,' says Sohail. 'In all the incidents, ultra-leftists fired at us randomly at first and then we used fire arms as self defence,' he says. 'Many of our men were also injured,' he adds. According to Faizul, a matter of particular concern is the fact that these radical leaders are being killed without access to a trial while even mass killers, such as the JMB members and the brutal killers of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family members have all received a hearing. 'Since the beginning of the 1970s, these left-leaning activists are being abducted and are being killed shortly afterwards while the state mechanisms in place are such that these issues are going by without much scrutiny, which is most concerning,' he concludes. |
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