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Monday, September 5, 2011

[ALOCHONA] MILITARY INTELLIGENCE ACTIVE BUT NOT VERY ADEPT AT POLITICS



BANGLADESH MILITARY INTELLIGENCE ACTIVE BUT NOT VERY ADEPT AT POLITICS


CREATED - 2008-07-03 04:35

S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 DHAKA 000721

NOFORN SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/29/2018

TAGS: PGOV PREL KDEM BG

 

REF: DHAKA 0692

Classified By: Ambassador James F. Moriarty. Reasons: 1.4 (b) and (d)

 

SUMMARY

1. (S) The Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI)

remains involved in domestic politics, bullying some

politicians and plotting behind the scenes with others to

advance its agenda. In recent days, senior politicians have

told Post how leaders of the intelligence group have

privately outlined plans to try to ensure the next Parliament

acts in accordance with the military's wishes. One prominent

lawyer for the Bangladesh Nationalist Party described recent

DGFI threats against him for actions it deemed inimical to

its political goals. The DGFI's use of heavy-handed tactics,

from encouraging a bitter factional rift within a major

political party to alleged physical abuse of the detained son

of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, have hardly been

effective and there is little reason to believe subsequent

efforts will achieve success. Still, continued interference

could complicate Caretaker Government efforts to return

Bangladesh to democracy by raising questions about the

credibility of the upcoming elections.

 

AN UNIMPRESSIVE RECORD IN POLITICS

2. (C) DGFI is the much-feared military intelligence force

that has been active in domestic politics since the Caretaker

Government (CTG) came to power in January 2007 with the

strong support of Chief of Army Staff Gen. Moeen Uddin Ahmed.

The CTG seeks a return to democracy this year and an end to

the endemic political violence and graft that have plagued

the country. (Note: General Moeen restated these goals during

a meeting with Ambassador Moriarty on June 26 (reftel).)

Regime leaders also want to ensure vengeance is not pursued

against them by politicians who have been targeted in a

sweeping anti-graft campaign. In pursuit of those goals, DGFI

has played a key role in trying to remove from politics two

former prime ministers, Awami League President Sheikh Hasina

and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Chairperson Khaleda

Zia, who it views as responsible for the country's endemic

political violence and graft. It has supported reformist

factions in those two parties opposed to the former prime

ministers and has helped create new parties that back the

Caretaker Government's agenda. The DGFI also has tried to

shape media coverage of politics to its liking by

intimidating journalists and by controlling editorial

content. In one sign of how fearful many Bangladeshis are of

the DGFI, they often refuse to mention its name even in

private conversation, instead refering to it as "the powers

that be" or "the invisible force."

 

3. (S) Still, the DGFI's political record to date is not

good. Its "minus-two" policy of attempting to sideline the

two former prime ministers by sending them into exile abroad

or destroying them politically at home has failed. Both women

remain firmly at the helm of their parties despite multiple

corruption charges. DGFI support for an anti-Khaleda Zia

faction of the BNP has been a bust, at least in part because

the intelligence agency's fingerprints in orchestrating the

intraparty split were so obvious. Meanwhile, two new

political parties supported by DGFI have failed to generate

popular enthusiasm. And the alleged physical abuse of Khaleda

Zia's son, Tarique Rahman, while in DGFI custody has managed

to create sympathy for him despite his reputation for gross

corruption and ruthlessness.

 

-----MORE POLITICAL MACHINATIONS AND MORE THREATS

4. (S) Two prominent BNP reformists told PolOff June 23 about

a meeting a few days earlier at which three senior DGFI

officials insisted the military needed to exercise control

over the government for three years to ensure political

reforms stuck. The reformists -- former Health Minister

Chowdhury Kamal Ibne Yusuf and his brother, former Parliament

member Choudhury Akmal Ibne Yusuf (protect) -- met with DGFI

Director General Maj. Gen. Golam Mohammad and Brig. Gen. ATM

Amin, director of counterterrorism. According to the

brothers' account, the DGFI leaders said Parliamentary

elections would definitely be held in December and they

wanted to ensure a majority of elected members support the

CTG's agenda. The DGFI leaders said it therefore was

important for BNP reformists to compete in the election even

if the mainstream Khaleda Zia loyalists called for a boycott.

The DGFI said it would ensure victory for the reformists and

likeminded candidates.

 

5. (S) One brother said he had recently received a phone call

from Brig. Gen. Amin's cousin asking for names of such

prospective candidates. Other politicians from both the BNP

and Awami League -- including former Awami League

Parliamentary Whip Md. Abdus Shahid (protect), for example --

have told Post they had received similar enquiries from the

DGFI. (Note: There is widespread speculation about tactics

the DGFI could use to manipulate the election. These include

providing resources to favored candidates and threatening

with arrest those it does not want to see run. Gen. Moeen

during his meeting with the Ambassador strongly denied there

would be any such manipulation. End note.)

 

6. (S) Meanwhile, lawyer Muhammad Nawshad Zamir (protect),

who represents Khaleda Zia and Tarique Rahman in their graft

cases, told PolOff June 25 he had been threatened a day

earlier by the DGFI. According to Nawshad, he had been

summoned to meet a DGFI acquaintance who passed on a demand

from Brig. Gen. Amin to end public comments in support of

Tarique Rahman or face possible arrest by National Security

Intelligence. Nawshad also said a top-level DGFI delegation

June 24 had visited his father, the Speaker of Parliament,

and said the Speaker would not succeed the President as head

of state even though he was next in line under the

Constitution. The meeting came amid reports that the

President's frail health was failing. (Note: Media reports

have since said the President's health had improved. End

note.)

 

-------MIXED SIGNALS: WHAT IS THE DGFI GAME PLAN?


7. (S) Despite signs that DGFI machinations have not ceased,

there also is evidence that the DGFI recently has deferred to

the civilian advisers in the Caretaker Government Cabinet on

key political decisions. The civilian advisers appear to have

taken the lead in negotiating the parole of Sheikh Hasina,

who also is facing graft charges, to go abroad for medical

treatment. The civilian advisers also have voiced willingness

to free Khaleda Zia. Some politicians believe discord exists

within the DGFI itself over the fate of Tarique Rahman, who

is seeking urgent medical care abroad, and over whether

reunification of the BNP should be encouraged. The transfer

out of DGFI headquarters of its politically active Director

for Counter Intelligence, Brigadier General Fazlul Bari

Chowdhury, may be an acknowledgement of DGFI's political

failures and a sign that the intelligence group may adopt a

lower profile. More importantly, complaints from senior

military officers recently led General Moeen to order the

transfer out of DGFI of two lieutenant colonels close to Amin

who were intimately involved in the political machinations

and also accused of corruption. This indicates General Moeen

will reign in DGFI when its activities threaten to sully the

military and derail the reforms he advocates.

 

-------COMMENT: COERCIVE MEDDLING WON'T BOOST REFORM PROSPECTS

 

8. (S) Post strongly supports the Caretaker Government's

goals of returning to democracy this year and of establishing

reforms to fight systemic corruption and political violence.

We believe, however, that the legitimacy of reforms will be

weakened unless the Parliamentary elections are widely viewed

as fair and credible and free of manipulation. Even though

there is no reason to believe that DGFI efforts to manipulate

the outcome of the Parliament elections will be any more

successful than its earlier political scheming, such activity

could provide an excuse for the losing political party to

question the credibility of the vote. (Note: The Ambassador

forcefully underscored this point during a July 2 meeting

with Home Affairs Adviser Gen. (ret.) M.A. Matin. End note.)

While we will continue to foster a strong and mutually

beneficial working relationship with DGFI on

counterterrorism, we also will urge it to forgo political

intimidation and electoral manipulation that could undercut

the reforms needed to improve Bangladesh's horrendous

governance.


Moriarty

 



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