Ms. Setara Hashem, you better roll the bones !!!
Dear Ms Hashem
Your class analysis is overtly simplistic and you are using a mechanistic model
of "socio-economy" when you use this term in the context of Bangladesh. Your
machine analogy is also partly flawed.
A complex machine does not run by itself. The modules in a "complex machine"
may have interferences or may run independently depending on how the
designer has planned. The man-machine interaction plays a vital role in
conceptual phase of any machine design. The smooth operation of a machine
depends on the surrounding environment. So does a human body [and mind] that
maintains a constant synergistic relationship with the surroundings.
Some "theorists" conveniently try to use skin-deep "class analysis" as a catchy
jargon. The classes are not air-tight compartments. It is not a Black and White
world. There are lots of gray areas [of course there are other colors too ].
Identifying the classes and their interests, especially, the sub-classes and the
constant inter-class transition is more complex than their outward menifestations.
The now-hidden, now-open "class struggle" (???) in a rapidly changing society,
often leads to the confused thinkings and superficial conclusion by many observers.
So, the question remains, which comes first, data or the model? It becomes really
confusing when an analyst tries to force feed the "pseudo-data" into his/her model
of choice. We must ensure the variables are properly defined and quality of the data
has to be maintained too. In general, while analyzing societies or "socio-economy"
we must remember that things may look apparently similar but do not happen
entirely in a Laboratory Conditions.[more later]
You have mentioned : "AL under Hasina's leadership has shifted from
Bangobondhu's policies."
Why do you say that? Did you forget that Bongobondhu was not an ideologue
but a pragmatist?
You have conveniently forgotten to consider the fact that context in which
Bangladesh exist today has changed vastly from that existed during the life-time
of Sheikh Mojibor Rahman.
Although, Bangladesh still remains an agrarian country, quite a few new
socio-economic phenomena has emerged in Bangladesh. The world had
changed, the dynamics of international relations now stands on a totally different
paradigm.
As you have said "There is a close connection between the masses and the
leader". So why are putting all the burden on Hasina's shoulder? Hasina is a
product of her time. So was Bongobondhu, a product of his time. Just like you,
me and everyone else, Sheikh Mojibor Rahman had his own idiosyncrasies, so
does Hasina. Are you expecting a Joan of Arc in Hasina Sheikh?
You have said "At present they do not represent the toiling Masses."
I think that the "toiling masses" have not vanished from Bangladesh, they are
still there. So tell me who represent them? The "New Mandarins" and their
cronies? The budding Military Incorporated of Bangladesh? The sleeping
Frankesteins?
Nothing happens in isolation. As we read in history, the small left forces in
Bangladesh including [but not limited to] NAP & CP played a vital role in all the
democratic movements of the then Eastern Pakistan [from Bhasha Andolon to
Liberation war]. What has happened to these "left forces"?
Why they have disappeared, almost in the oblivion?
If the birth of Bangladesh was a revolution {as many historians say), has there
been a counter-revolution? If so, who led it, when and how?
Name-recognition is a very important factor in the politics. Hasina's AL-leadership
has to be understood in the proper context, not with jaundiced eyes.
Sorry, Ms Hashem, no hard feelings.... let us agree to disagree !!!
Syed Aslam
On 11/3/07, Setara Hashem <sehas99@yahoo.com > wrote:
A complex machine has different parts with a device to observe its proper functioning. Similarly, the society is composed of different classes of people, which are acting like parts of a machine or organs of a human body. The political party feels the pulse of the people of different classes through party workers and take decision. Party programme is sent to people again through party workers and tested its acceptance.
Every political party looks after the interest of a particular socio-economic class or sub-class of the society. AL is mainly middle class party. 6pts.programme includes middle class interest.
The socio-economy is the driving force of the society. The party programme, which includes the interest of other classes, is accepted by the vast majority of the people and the people come out in street. Bengalies observed people upsurge in1969 on 11pts.programme of the student. This people upsurge were the turning point of our history. Seeds of freedom fight and its 4pts chetona lies in it. AL, NAP, CP and other political parties accepted it. Then came election, people trusted AL leadership. AL negotiated with Pak authority for peaceful, but failed. Then 25th March killing occured. The toiling masses (peasants, workers and other working people), student and middle class took arms and started fighting without consulting political parties. Later on political parties came in to organize Mukti-Bahini. As the 70-election mandate was with AL, they constituted exile Government. Then the exile Government constituted a war council with the heads of all the fighting political parties.
AL under Hasina's leadership has shifted from Bangobondhu's policies. At present they do not represent the toiling Masses.
Setara Hashem
Badrul Islam <badrul_islam2001@yahoo.com > wrote:
Badrul Islam <badrul_islam2001@yahoo.com > wrote:
Dear Ms.Setara Hashem,Neither the toiling masses had any idea of the- 6pt movement, nor were they consulted on the course of action if Pakis dont agree to give power to late Sheikh--all decisions were taken at head 0ffice in Dhaka. When army started gemocide on March 25th they were puzzeled as why this shooting bengalis were necessary but they did understand that to save their life they must flee to safe area and that time it was only the Indian border that they could think of-- these people fled of their own no AL political party mad arrangement to conduct a mass exodus-- they fled all ojn their own--some fled before 25th March 1971.Even in Mujibnagar there was problem of unity in respect of setting up the Mujib Goverment- toiling mass that fled there was not consulted about formation of Government and Mukti-Bahini- thay just joined as they reached and directed.The son of Late A>K>Fazlul Huq-- late Faizul Huq was confused and some say he never crossed over; but did become a state Minister in AL regime for Jute and didnt perform very well.The tragedy is Mass is used as a word figure to mean they have support- thats all-- they actually are nothing but figure that show strength in numbers for politiocians to use as confirmation that they r their supporter.There is a connection between the masses and the leader. The
bourgeois leader sometime twists and diverts the onward dynamic
direction of the movement of the masses, that is why, history moves
zig-zag way. But no leader can stop natural progress of the movement
of the toiling masses. The Masses create history. The divertion
created by the leaders is short lifed.
There was grievances among the peasants against the Zaminders of the
then East Bengal.The majority of the peasants were Moslem, whereas
the majority of the Zaminders were Hidues.
The Moslem Zaminders and the moslem bourgeois leadership were united
for their self-interest. This upper class Moslems diverted and
twisted the grievances of the Moslem peasants against the Zaminders
to against Hindues. AK Fazlul Huq was one of those bourgeois leaders.
Later on he rectifyed his mistake by quiting Moslem League.
Surhowardy Worked for united independent Bengal.
These upper class Moslems of the then Bengal implemented the British
theory of Hindu and Moslem nation, which had no connection with the
peasants' grievances of the then Bengal.
AK Fazlul Huq and Surhowardy were Chief Minister of the then British
Bengal, which does not mean that they or Bengalies were British-
Bengal supporter or they worked for British. Similarly Sk Mujib or
Zia served Pakistan does not mean they were Pakistan supporters or
Bengalies wanted Pakistan. Pakistan was the dream of Moslem Zaminders
and upper class Moslems, not the dream of toiling Bengali Masses.
Setara Hashem
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