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Wednesday, November 28, 2007

[mukto-mona] On Nandigram

 
Living in a state of political void: End of radicalism By Avijit Pathak 29 Nov 07 (http://deccanherald.com/Content/Nov292007/editpage2007112838310.asp)
The political void created by the progressive Left may become a fertile ground for the Maoists

Nandigram in West Bengal, we all realise, is not yet another narrative of a local conflict. At a deeper level it reveals a crisis confronting our politico-cultural life; death of radical alternatives.

Even though Marxism, because of its grand project of a just society free from inequality, exploitation and alienation, is seen as an alternative to the kind of politics we are otherwise used to, Nandigram has demonstrated how its most successful adherents have reduced it into a statist ideology of power. Radicalism, as a result, disappears; what remains is just a "progressive" pretence through which they seek to hide their misdeeds.

Yes, there are solid historical reasons for the assertion of the Marxists in Bengal.
Its celebration of renaissance humanism because its early encounter with the West, its contribution to the revolutionary upsurge during the freedom struggle, and eventually the trauma of partition and resultant burden of refugees, and growing economic crisis and unemployment; all these factors led to the culture of dissent and critical imagination that enabled the Marxists to consolidate their base. And it is also true that the CPM began with a grand promise.

After the Naxalite nihilism that enveloped Bengal in the early seventies, the CPM made a remarkable effort to unite radical activism with the ethos of parliamentary democracy. Its policies and practices to break the chain of feudal oppression through land reform and revitalised panchyat institutions, and its cultural practice filled with people's theatre, progressive films, science clubs and little magazines gave it a kind of prestige that is indeed rare in Indian politics.

Yet, after thirty years this very success, it seems, has become its worst tragedy. For thousands of new cadres who have joined the party in recent times, it is not about struggle and radical aspiration; it is essentially about comfort – the comfort that the establishment provides. No wonder, the party has penetrated into almost every sphere of life; from the local Durga puja committee to the university senate.

No autonomous space is left any more. Not solely that. It legitimates this violence – physical, cultural and psychological – through its rationale of electoral success. As a result, it has become so certain of itself that it refuses to listen to any other discourse – say, on development, land acquisition and displacement. It is the end of dialectical thinking – end of radicalism. Instead, the party is now a huge monster intoxicated with power.

It is in this context that the question we are raising becomes relevant. If even the Marxian experiment degenerates, is it the end of all dreams? Because none would expect that the two leading national parties – Congress and BJP – are capable of providing us with meaningful alternatives.

Both these parties, irrespective of ideological differences, speak the same language, plead for neo liberalism, its implicit social Darwinism, and a purely instrumental politics.

Well, there are political analysts who try to see the traces of radicalism in yet another project – say, the phenomenon called Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). True, the assertion of a subalternist Mayawati does indeed have a symbolic significance in a society known for its ruthless caste hierarchy and oppression.

But then, how can we deny that her politics too suffers from crude Machiavellianism? Its authoritarianism, its inability to move beyond identity politics, and its complete failure to throw light on issues relating to land reform, industrialisation and SEZs by no means indicate radicalism.

Furthermore, we are living at a time when even Gandhism – another important project of social reconstruction – has become merely an official document that refuses to see beyond Vinoba Bhave, or high profile academics writing bestsellers on the Mahatma. And most of the socialists who once marched with JP and dreamed of "total revolution" are now a changed lot. No better possibility is emerging from other parts of the country.

Be it the fractured Dravidian politics in Tamil Nadu or the opportunism of the coalition game in Karnataka – the story is the same everywhere. Not solely that. Because of the massive NGOisation process an illusion is being created these days that a civil society movement can be created through external funding agencies.

It appropriates dissent, incorporates new generation Gandhians, ex- Marxists, feminists and environmentalists, promotes piece meal social engineering, and diminishes the significance of a comprehensive radical politics for restructuring the state, and making it truly accountable to people.

This political void, it is not difficult to understand, becomes the fertile ground for the assertion of the Maoists. From Jharkhand to Chattisgarh, from Andhra Pradesh to West Bengal – as they spread, a question haunts us. Are they alone articulating the voices of the oppressed – peasants, adivasis and victims of development? Is their violence a desperate attempt to evolve alternatives when all other paths get blocked?

(The writer is Professor, JNU, New Delhi.)



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