My other analysis of CPI(M) DPR
Capitalistic socialism: New Oxymoron
By Sankar Ray
In sync with the global experience, the fate of socialism is somewhat bleak in India too , a powerful Left consolidation in the Parliament notwithstanding .The nonagenarian doyen of Indian judiciary V R Krishna Iyer, one of the two living members of India's first communist ministry in the state of Kerala , formed in 1957, rapped the unholy bonhomie of ' 'Westoxicated' investment-operators and nascent neo-Marxist innovators who have surrendered to consumerism'. His chagrin is obviously against the CPI(M)-led Left Front government in West Bengal 'You have nothing to lose except a few crypto-capitalist super-pragmatic Marxists' , he quipped sarcastically a month before party's 19th Congress of CPI(M), due to take place at Coimbatore between 29 March and 3 April.
The top brass of CPI(M) states in defence of the WB chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee's capitalistic prescription in the draft political resolution for the 19th jamboree: 'The Left–led states have to work within the severe constraints of the neoliberal policies imposed by the Centre. The Left–led governments have to promote investment in industry and infrastructural development. This does not mean acceptance of wholesale privatisation in various economic and social spheres'. But there is a catch. The political resolution, adopted at the 22nd WB state conference (13-17 January 2008), gave a call for "carrying forward class struggle through development". One may ask how class struggle will advance in the neo-liberal framework within which the three CPI(M)-led governments have to work. The answer is to be found by carefully reading the 18000-plus-word draft political resolution to be debated at the Coimbatore Congress. The word 'class struggle' is totally absent and it was endorsed by the 100-plus CPI(M) central committee. The word "working class" is mentioned half a dozen of times but how can working class wage a non-class struggle.
Bhattacharjee and the LF chairman Biman Bose perceive capitalist development as a reflex of a 'bettered' LF. Iyer finds in the capitalist path ,"mafia menace, market racket, hospital terrorism, hotel 'star wars', slum slavery and freebooter robbery".
Kolkata-based Nagarik Mancha ,a voluntary action forum in defence of workers, affected by industrial sickness and occupational hazards, in a study – Shilpayaner ei pathe labh kar? ( Who benefits out of this industrialization) – blasted CPI(M)'s promise of development for large number of jobs. Between 1991-2000 Rs one crore of investment gave direct jobs for three on an average in contrast to 228 per Rs one crore investment in 1980-81 in West Bengal. Between 1999 -2004, employment generation was reduced by 54,000 despite investment of nearly Rs 8500 crores and incremental value-addition of Rs 2,206 crores, it stated. 'Which is why', NM general secretary, 'investors look towards West Bengal. Investment per job will go up further. '. Prospects of large number jobs in ancillaries are not much, agrees even CPI(M)'s chief economic ideologue Prabhat Patnaik.
The dalliance with consumerist or crony capitalism was first formulated by the late Anil Biswas as West Bengal secretary of the party with a phrase – 'development as a form of class struggle – that stupefied the old guard in all the Left parties including some in the CPI(M).
This year is a twin anniversary for the communists in India. First is the 60th anniversary of slogan – 'ye azadi jhutha hain' (this freedom is fake), coined by general secretary of undivided CPI at its second congress , Balchandra Trambyak Ranadive, newly elected general secretary of the party ( a founding PB member of CPI(M) too). He gave a call for armed insurrection to overthrow the newly formed Congress government at the Centre. The Maharashtrian's political thesis , branded the Congress as an appendage of 'the Anglo-American bloc of imperialist powers - a bloc which seeks to crush all democratic revolutions and to create satellite states' . The defeat of B TR line along with disarray in the communist ranks and rejection of the thesis by the CPI in 1950 is a different matter. The second is 50th anniversary of acceptance of 'peaceful transition' to socialism at CPI's special congress in Amritsar. After a long debate, the change in the party constitution, moved by Ajoy Ghosh, BTR's success and an internationally revered ideologue Ajoy Ghosh, with several amendments.
But the CPI(M) ridiculed 'peaceful co-existence', 'peaceful competition between the socialist and capitalist counties' and 'peaceful transition' the moment the party was born out of CPI split in 1964 to denigrate CPI and CP of Soviet Union. The new party bosses used to parrot the '25 points' – acronym for controversial letter of the central committee of CP of China to that of CPSU , dated 14 June, 1963. The Trotskyite Fourth International promptly praised the CPC– ' They call it 25 points. We call it Trotskyism'. The irony of history is that CPI(M) today talks of peaceful transition to socialism and criticizes Maoists for armed struggle.
Bhattacharjee's idea of Industrialisation is heavily biased towards urbanization and crony-capitalism. He is enamoured of the Salim group of Indonesia –forget about its closeness to the CIA-backed Suharto regime for its exponential growth into Indonesia's top business house. A study by Dutch scholar Marleen Dieleman of the Leiden University School of Management – 'Economies of Scope and Economies of Connectedness' on the group (http://www.lusm.leidenuniv.nl/content_docs/Marleen/economies_of_connectedness_working_paper_july_2005.pdf) shows the disconnect between manufacturing growth and crony capitalism. Togetherness or 'economies of connectedness' between corruption and crony capitalism is authoritatively portrayed therein Most of the leaders of CPI(M) and its allies do not seem to have read this study.
Emphasis on shopping malls, massive retail outlets and the like shows the LF government's submission to high-voltage consumerism which creates 'enclaves of modernity' in a sea of backwardness. New Town at Rajarhat and airport city near Kolkata and oil refinery at Haldia or around in West Bengal are a collage of expanding penury of residents who make a tough living in dirt-floored shacks ,equipped with pit toilets and barefoot street children polishing Santros, Qualises or Scorpios on the one side and disorderly grown high-rise apartments are an abominable innuendo of reform. One day BTR's 'ye azadi jhutha hain' may be relevant for those that want a push towards an equitable social matrix.
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