Re: [ALOCHONA] Re: Truthout - Moeen as Bangladesh's Musharraf

i feel pitty for mr. ezazur  for your comment below regarding Mujib in pakistan during 1971 .

ezajur <ezajur.rahman@q8.com> wrote:

I also heard Sheikh Mujib was in Pakistan during the liberation war.

Fortunately for Pakistan the scoundrel Musharaf is out and the
illustrious Nawaz Sharif and illustrious Zardari are back!

--- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, Shafqat Anwar <anwarshafqat@...>
wrote:
>
>
> Moin was not in Pakistan during liberation war and he graduated
from the Bangladesh Military Academy in one of the early courses
(came out second in his batch). However, Moin was in Pakistan serving
as the Military Attache in the Bangladesh High Commission in
Islamabad when the illustrious General Pervez Musharraf overthrew
Nawaz Sharif's elected government.
>
>
> To: alochona@...: wouldbemahathirofbd@...: Tue, 4 Mar 2008
03:05:35 -0800Subject: Re: [ALOCHONA] Truthout - Moeen as
Bangladesh's Musharraf
>
>
>
>
>
> I HAVE READ IN OTHER ARTICLES ALSO THAT MOIN WAS IN PAKISTAN DURING
LIBERATION WAR.
> Zchoudhury@... wrote:
>
>
> The author of this article alleges that Gen. Moeen was in Pakistan
during thewar of liberation, and states that he is a repatriated army
officer fromPakistan. The truth is that he is the first Army Chief
from a new generation ofArmy officers who came out of the Bangladesh
Military Academy. The authorshould have done his research before he
penned this article.Robin Khundkar <rkhundkar@earthlin k.net> To Sent
by: Robin <rkhundkar@...> alochona@yahoogroup cc s.com Subject
[ALOCHONA] Truthout - Moeen as 03/03/2008 05:17 PM Bangladesh's
Musharraf Please respond to alochona@yahoogroup s.com Moeen as
Bangladesh's MusharrafBy J. Sri Ramant r u t h o u t |
PerspectiveSunday 02 March
2008http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/030208C.shtmlIn our
preoccupation with Pakistan and its embattled president, many of us
havealmost forgotten another South Asian country and another general
encounteringanother pro-democracy movement. General Moeen U Ahmed,
chief of the Bangladesharmed forces, was in New Delhi for a week
since February 24 to remind India andthe region of his role as the
other Pervez Musharraf.Moeen was supposed to be here on a "military-
to-military" mission, and metIndian counterpart Deepak Kapoor and
External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee,reportedly to discuss
cooperation in defense. Moeen, however, did not stopthere.It has been
made public on his behalf that that he pleaded with Prime
MinisterManmohan Singh's government to help make Bangladesh safe for
restored democracyby prevailing upon Bangladesh's two most prominent
contenders for civilian powernot to return to electoral politics. The
reported plea warrants the presumptionthat the recent events in
Pakistan prompted Moeen's India visit, which was putoff last year on
the officially cited ground of floods in Bangladesh.The Musharraf
syndrome is manifestly obvious here. As Pakistan's military ruler,its
present president of uncertain powers had for years tried to prevent
thecountry's two most prominent aspirants for civilian power from
returning homeand joining electoral politics. He was forced, however,
to allow the return offormer Prime Ministers Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz
Sharif - and even of theelections. Musharraf continues to be engaged
in a contained confrontation withSharif and Asif Ali Zardari -
Bhutto's husband who is playing her political roleafter her horrible
end.Moeen, of course, is no president, but he is the power behind the
throne inBangladesh. The army-backed government in Dhaka, too, tried
to exile formerPrime Ministers Sheikh Hasina Wajed and Begum Khaleda
Zia, but failed. Moeen andhis men also tried to prevent the return of
Hasina from a visit abroad, andfailed again under international
pressure. The leaders of the Awami League (AL)and the Bangladesh
National Party (BNP), however, have been kept away from allpolitical
activities through a slew of corruption cases and long spells ofunder-
trial detention.Indications have been reported of Moeen's possible
plans to install himselfeventually as the president in the place of
Fakruddin Ahmed, in charge of thecurrent caretaker regime. It is not
known, however, whether something likePakistan's National
Reconciliation Order, freeing the two leaders fromcorruption cases,
will precede such a move. But there is another respect,certainly, in
which Moeen is trying to do a Musharraf.Musharraf may not really have
profited by splitting Sharif's Pakistan MuslimLeague (PML) and
forming a party named after the Quaid-e-Azam (the title ofPakistan's
founder Mohammed Ali Jinnah.) The PML-Q has ended up a distant
third,after Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP) and the PML-Nawaz,
in the recentgeneral election. The example, however, has not deterred
Moeen from making asimilar effort to give himself political
legitimacy in the Bangladesh generalelection that the caretaker
regime has promised to hold before the year end.Last year, the army-
backed government in Dhaka tried its utmost to pushNobel-winning
economist Mohmmad Yunus into politics and help him form a party toend
both main parties. The attempt proved abortive, with Yunus seeing
throughthe cynical game. Efforts followed to break the both the AL
and the BNP. Notmuch success has attended these efforts, and the
parties as a whole haveremained loyal to the harassed leaders with
halos of their own.Moeen and his men, however, have not given up.
According to informed observers,he would like to be sure of a two-
thirds majority in a new parliament to ratifythe 37 ordinances,
through which he has ruled the country for the last 13months. Will
two split-away parties give Moeen what a single one could notprovide
Musharraf? Few observers will answer that in the affirmative.Moeen
would appear to have no illusions about what a real democracy can do
forhim. Even as far back as last April, he caused more than a few
political ripplesby declaring at a public meeting that Bangladesh
would not return to "anelective democracy." Days ago, he elaborated
on the same theme. Asserting thatthe country had tried "Westminster-
type parliamentary democracy for the last 15years," but could not
make it work, he called for "a form of democracy that issuitable for
us."The particular form of democracy he has in mind may suit neither
the majorpolitical parties nor the people used to polls. Nothing,
however, would suit thearmy more, or the religious parties and
forces, particularly theJamaat-e-Islami, which, as a member of Begum
Zia's coalition regime,distinguished itself by its divisive role in
the Bangladesh society. The poorelectoral showing of the clerical
parties in Pakistan has not made theirBangladeshi counterparts ardent
partisans of ballot politics either.Moeen and the army-propped regime
were able to delay the democratic process forquite some time with an
anti-corruption campaign that brought some of thepolitical luminaries
of the past to law. The glamor of the campaign, however,has worn
thin, with its perceived excesses hitting the country's economy
andwith graft in the army and in select political circles appearing
to have beenplaced outside its purview. the anti-corruption crusade
has lost its attractionall the more following the recent steep spiral
in the prices of rice, pulses andother essential commodities.All this
has not been lost on Moeen and his mandarins in the caretaker
regime.They crushed a rebellion of campus origin months ago, but they
know that populardiscontent can find a dangerous expression again.
They have made certain movesto win over the political opposition.
This include official initiatives torehabilitate martyred Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman, liberator of Bangladesh and fatherof Hasina, as
the "Father of the Nation," and Ziaur Rahman, former president
andhusband of Begam Khaleda Zia as a "patriot," besides a promise to
try the "warcriminals of 1971." By most accounts, however, the moves
cannot succeed installing the pro-democracy movement.It is
interesting to recall, in this context, that Moeen himself was in
Pakistanduring the Bangladesh Liberation War and joined and returned
to the country'sarmed forces as a "repatriated officer." The past
record itself may not goagainst his current political ambitions. As
in Musharraf's case, however, amassive democratic upsurge can do so.A
freelance journalist and a peace activist in India, J. Sri Raman is
the authorof "Flashpoint" (Common Courage Press, USA). He is a
regular contributor toTruthout.
>
> Is this CTG better than Ershad in case of political party reform
and anti corruption drive and dealings with teachers and Students ?
> ----------------------------------------------------------
-------------------------------------------------
> Sobhan Allah- Only Allah flawless Alhamdulillah - All
praise to be of Allah Allah hu Akbar - Allah, the
Greatest
> ----------------------------------------------------------
---------------------------------------------------Would Be Mahathir
of BD
>
>
>
> Looking for last minute shopping deals? Find them fast with Yahoo!
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Is this CTG better than Ershad  in case of political party reform and anti corruption drive and dealings with teachers and Students ?

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Sobhan Allah-  Only Allah flawless 
           Alhamdulillah - All praise to be of Allah 
                   Allah hu Akbar - Allah, the Greatest

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Would Be Mahathir of BD

 

---

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