Yoginder S. Sikand
This article looks at the ritual performances
associated with the annual celebration or 'urs at a
Sufi shrine, the dargah of Dada Hayat located at the
village of Inam Dattatreya in the Baba Budhangiri
hills of Chikmagalur district in Karnataka. This
shrine and the saintly persons associated with it are
deeply revered by the local Muslims and Hindus, for
whom they form an integral part of their
understandings of Islam and Hinduism respectively.
Focussing on the rituals associated with the annual
celebrations at the shrine, the article then raises
questions about shared religious identities and
practices that defy conventional notions of 'Hindus'
and 'Muslims' as being radically distinct from and
opposed to each other. *
According to popular accounts, Islam's first contact
with India dates back to the lifetime of the Prophet
Muhammad himself, when Arab missionaries and traders
arrived on the coast of Malabar in South India. While
this view has been countered, there is no doubt of a
Muslim presence in south India well before the ninth
century C.E. One of the first Muslims to arrive in
south India to spread Islam, so it is claimed, was
Shaykh 'Abd al-'Aziz Makki, more popularly known as
Dada Hayat. Today, his dargah is a major Sufi
pilgrimage centre in South India.
Dada Hayat in the Hagiographic Accounts
Although considered to be 'one of the earliest centres
of Sufism in South India' and also claimed to be
among 'the first centres for the spread of Islam' in
the country, the history of the shrine as well as of
Dada Hayat himself, remains shrouded in mystery. As
Srikanth notes, 'Much of the information available
about Hazrat Bada [sic.] Hayath Meer Khalandar is
legendary. Likewise, Beary remarks that the
'historical truths' about Dada Hayat have become a
casualty', owing to 'legends' woven around him over
the centuries.
According to the principal hagiographical account
available, Dada Hayat was a descendant of the prophet
Salih and was a Christian, but embraced Islam when
Muhammad declared his prophethood in Mecca. He is
said to have been such a devoted disciple of the
Prophet that he was appointed the guard (darbari) of
his cell (hujrah). He learned the secrets of Islamic
law (shariah), the mystical path (tariqah), and the
Ultimate Truth (haqiqah) from him. He is said to have
first taken the oath of allegiance from the Prophet,
and then, after the Prophet's death, from Imam Ali. He
is believed to have accompanied the Prophet on several
of his campaigns, during which he was given the
responsibility of carrying his flag (alam). Because of
this, the Prophet, so these hagiographical accounts
claim with dubious veracity, the Prophet bestowed upon
him the title of alambardar or 'flag-bearer'.
In his account of the history of Sufism in India,
Rizvi claims that Abdul-'Aziz Makki (Dada Hayat) was
indeed a Companion of the Prophet. He is said to have
been 'so profoundly absorbed in asceticism' that he
shaved off the hair on his head and moustache. On
seeing him thus, the Prophet is said to have 'greatly
approved' and remarked that 'the people of Paradise
looked just like him.' At his request, the Prophet
allowed him to retire to a cave in a mountain and
prayed for him to have a long life. Dada Hayat is said
to have reappeared from the cave when Imam Ali took
over as vicegerent (khalifah), and, after swearing
allegiance to him, returned to his hermit's life in
the cave.
It is believed that Dada Hayat was commanded by the
Prophet himself to travel to India to preach Islam. He
was told that he should head for the Chandrdrona hill
and establish a centre for the propagation of Islam
there. It is in a cave on this hill that his shrine
stands today. This hill seems to have been an
important pilgrimage centre in pre-Islamic times and
according to local tradition, it was from the forests
here that the monkey-god Hanuman is said to have
fetched the life-giving herb (sanjivani buti) to
revive Rama's brother Lakshman, the hero of the
Ramayana, who had been injured in a battle against
Ravana, the ruler of Lanka. Given the significance of
the Chandradrona hill in the local religious
tradition, it is not surprising that Dada Hayat chose
to make it his centre to spread Islam in the region.
In fact, Sufis all over South Asia settled at key
local religious centres and sought to spread Islam by
operating from within pre-existing religious
institutions and networks.
When Dada Hayat arrived at Chandradrona in the company
of his disciples he took up residence in a cave on the
hill that was the seat of a Brahmin and Lingayat
jangam where they used to decide cases of local
disputes. The locals believed that Dattatreya, the
last incarnation of Vishnu, would one day appear
inside this very cave to deliver the people from
injustice and oppression. On the night that Dada Hayat
arrived, a group of palekars, local 'high' caste
landlords, approached the cave, dragging along with
them a captive whom they intended to kill for having
trespassed into their territory. It is said that as
soon as Dada Hayat looked at them, the chains that had
bound their captive miraculously fell off. In
gratitude the captive embraced Islam at Dada Hayat's
hands and went on to join the community of fuqara'.
Meanwhile, the palekars regrouped their forces, and,
led by Kunj Rayya, palekar of Kalhati, and his deputy,
Biru, they marched on the cave to kill Dada Hayat.
They slew several of the fuqara but in the end were
defeated, apparently because of Dada Hayat's
miraculous intervention. When Kunj Rayya and Biru
entered the cave, they saw Dada Hayat sitting in front
of them, and perceived him in the form of the awaited
messiah, Dattatreya. They fell at his feet, begging
his forgiveness, promised him that henceforth no one
would trouble him and his fuqara, and requested him to
accept them as his disciples. Kunj Rayya then issued
an edict that the 'idols of the temples, along with
their palanquins, umbrellas and musical instruments,
should appear before Dada Hayat and offer him their
salutations'. The Brahmin and the Lingayat jangam,
too, appeared before Dada Hayat, believing him to be
Dattatreya, and became his followers.
Word soon spread in the area that Dattatreya had
appeared in the cave in the form of Dada Hayat. Large
crowds flocked to the cave to get the blessings of
Dada Hayat. Some people converted to Islam at his
hands, while others, who still retained their
ancestral faith, incorporated him into their existing
pantheon of deities as Dattatreya.
The Dargah of Dada Hayat
As Dada Hayat's popularity began to spread in the
area, the cave in which he had taken up residence
emerged as a popular place of pilgrimage. It is
believed that owing to the special blessings of a long
life that he received from the Prophet, Dada Hayat is
still alive in the cave. Once he was satisfied with
the stability of the centre that he had established at
Chandradrona hill, he is said to have left through a
tunnel in the cave for Arabia and Central Asia, from
where he brought a group of men to look after the
affairs of the centre. From among them he appointed a
'responsible elder' (zimmedar buzurg) to run the
centre according to his directions. On the death of
this elder, he would appoint some other person in his
place. Later, it is said he decided to appoint such a
person to run the dargah whose descendants could
inherit the responsibility of administering the
affairs of the shrine. Accordingly, he chose one
Sayyed Shah Jamaluddin Maghribi, an inhabitant of
Yemen, for the honour.
Travelling through Arabia, Khurasan, Kashmir, northern
India and the Deccan, Maghribi reached Chandradrdrona
hill sometime in the mid-sixteenth century, so the
legend goes. He stayed at the cave for some four
years, after which he left on a long journey that took
him to Iraq, Syria, Arabia and Yemen. On his return
from Yemen he brought along with him some coffee
seeds, and back in Chandradrona, he began to
popularise the cultivation of coffee in the area.
Maghribi died in 1125 A.H. (1713 C.E.). Before his
death, he nominated his nephew Sayyed Musa Hussain
Shah Qadri as his spiritual successor and custodian
(sajjadah nashiri) of the dargah. The custodianship of
the shrine continues till this day to be carried on by
descendants of this family.
The fifth in succession to Sayyed Musa Shah Qadri,
Baba Budhan Shah Qadri, further spread of the
cultivation of coffee in South India. He dispatched
groups of his followers to spread coffee-growing as
well as Sufism to various far-flung places, including
Coorg and the Nilgiris in South India. As a result,
the popularity of the shrine further grew so much so
that today the hills around the shrine are known after
him as the Baba Budhan range.
The Annual 'Urs (Celebration)
In memory of Dada Hayat an annual three-day 'urs is
held at his shrine, which attracts several thousand
people from various parts of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh
and Maharashtra, including Muslims, Hindus, Dalits and
others. This festival is held three days after the
Hindu festival of Holi, generally in the month of
March. A significant feature of the 'urs is the large
participation of disciples belonging to the Qalandari
and Rifa'i orders, for whom Dada Hayat holds a place
of special importance.
According to the hagiographic literature, Dada Hayat
was himself the founder of the Qalandari order. His
fuqara claim that there have been a total of
'three-and-a-half' Qalandar preceptors—Dada Hayat
Qalandar, Lal Shahbaz Qalandar of Sehwan (Sind), Bu
Ali Shah Qalandar of Panipat (Haryana) and Rabi'a
Qalandar of Basra. The last mentioned is regarded as
only half on account of having been a woman. Because
of the significance of Dada Hayat in the founding of
the order, Qalandars from various parts of the country
gather together at his annual 'urs. Mendicants
belonging to the Rifa'i order, who trace their
spiritual origins to Sayyed Ahmad Kabir Rifa'i, nephew
of the famous Sufi Shaikh Abdul Qadir Jilani, and who,
in many ways are similar to the Qalandars, also come
here in large numbers on the occasion of the 'urs.
Day One
On the morning of the first day of the 'urs the
mendicants as well as ordinary pilgrims walk to the
natural spring at Manakdhara, some five kilometers
from the shrine. This is located high up in the hills,
amidst thick forests. After taking a bath in the
waterfall there, each person discards one item of
clothing, signifying the purification of the self.
Then, the mendicants return to the shrine for the
morning prayers, visiting on the way the spot near
Manakdhara where Dada Hayat is believed to have
meditated, and Moti Talab, a small lake where Mama
Jigni, a female disciple of Dada Hayat, performed
severe austerities.
When the mendicants return, the morning prayers (fajr)
are held at the mosque located in the courtyard of the
cave of Dada Hayat. The congregation is led by the
sajjadah nashin. After the prayers are over, the
fuqara, both Qalandars and Rifa'is, begin a long
procession bare-foot to the village of Attigunde, also
called Baba Budhan Nagar, some eight kilometers away,
carrying with them staffs, spears, and maces with
spikes (guruj). The Qalandars wear long
saffron-coloured kurtas, lungis and turbans, while the
Rifa'i's dress in green. Both wear heavy necklaces and
rings made of stones that are considered to be
auspicious.
The mendicants beat their tambourines in a throbbing
rhythm, singing odes (ratib) in praise of God, the
Prophet and the Qalandar masters. Some of them fall
into a trance, and pierce their tongues, necks,
throats and heads with sharp iron spears after taking
the name of Dada Hayat. This is regarded as a miracle
as no blood falls nor is any pain felt. This practice
is known as zarb or sultani. Fuqara trace the origin
of zarb to Imam Ali and the early Qalandars, who they
say, used this as a means for the propagation of Islam
(tabligh).
When the procession of the mendicants reaches
Attigunde, they enter a house where a pot of
sandalwood paste is kept wrapped up in a green cloth.
Incense is burnt and collective supplications (du'a)
are made. A mendicant then places the pot on his head,
while another accompanies him, holding a richly
embroidered protective umbrella to shade him. The
procession steps out of the house, with the mendicants
singing and playing their tambourines and then returns
to the cave of Dada Hayat. When the mendicants reach
the khanqah of the sajjadah nashin in the vicinity of
the cave they stop for a while. Once again, some
mendicants pierce themselves with spears. The pilgrims
gathered there reach out to touch the pot of
sandalwood paste and some throw coins over it as an
act of blessing. Then, the sajjadah nashin leads the
procession into the cave.
Inside the cave, the seat (chillah) of Dada Hayat and
his four disciples and the graves of four Qalandars,
Jan Pak Shahid, Malik Tijar Faruqi, Malik Wazir
Isfahani and Abu Turab Shirazi, are washed and the
silk yellow and green sheets (chaddaf) covering them
are removed. The sajjadah nashin recites the first
surah of the Quran (fatihah) and invokes blessings on
Dada Hayat and his disciples. He puts some sandalwood
paste on the new sheets that will be placed on the
chillah and the graves and these are then carried
around to the mendicants, who, in turn, do likewise.
The same is done in the adjacent portion of the cave,
which contains the seat of Mama Jigni.
After the sandal ceremony, as it is called, concludes,
pilgrims enter the cave. They first approach the
chillah of Dada Hayat, entry to which is barred by an
iron gate. They get a glimpse of his seat, the lamps
that he used and a silver replica of his slippers, and
are then given holy water to drink by the sajjadah
nashin or a person who stands in his place. This water
is considered to be sacred (tabarruk) as it is taken
from a spring that flows near Dada Hayat's chillah and
which Dada Hayat is said to have himself miraculously
produced. After this, they place flowers and sprinkle
perfume on the graves of the four Qalandars, while the
mujawar recites the fatihah. Then they proceed to the
chillah of Mama Jigni, where, once again, fatihah is
offered and flowers are placed. Many pilgrims collect
mud in little packets from a recess near Mama Jigni's
chillah, considering it to have special medicinal
properties. When they emerge from the cave, they break
one or more coconuts on a black stone at the entrance
to the shrine. This custom is said to have been
established by a Hindu Wodeyar ruler of Mysore in
gratitude for a wish that, it is said, Dada Hayat had
fulfilled.
In the afternoon, the sajjadah nashin, dressed in a
saffron-coloured kurta and turban, heads a procession
to the entrance of the shrine. The green flag atop a
tall flagpole that was placed the previous year is
brought down and a new one installed in its place.
After this, du'a is offered. This concludes the ritual
ceremonies for the first day of the 'urs. For the rest
of the day, the mendicants gather at the makeshift
faqir chowk just outside the cave, where they sing
qawwalis and some smoke ganja. Pilgrims approach them
with their problems and seek advice from them. Others
walk up to Palang Talab, a lake some three kilometers
away, where, it is believed, Dada Hayat had rescued
Mama Jigni from a group of palekars who had kidnapped
her. Here they bathe in the lake and then offer
coconuts and sweets at a chillah, where Mama Jigni is
said to have mediated. Some pilgrims, both Hindus as
well as Muslims, also offer coconuts at the shrine of
Biru Dev, also known as Kancherayya, the deputy of the
palekar Kunj Rayya who became a devotee of Dada Hayat.
Biru is said to have been later appointed by Dada
Hayat as his guard. His shrine, which is located on
the other side of the lake, is shaped like a large
Shiva lingam and contains a recess in which a trident,
the symbol of Shiva, is placed. It is painted with
white and red stripes, in the manner of Hindu temples
in South India. A priest, belonging to a 'low' caste,
officiates at this shrine.
Day Two
After the morning prayers are over, the mendicants
emerge from the faqir chowk in a procession, singing
and playing their tambourines. They proceed to a room
in the khanqah for a ceremony known as dakhila or
'adalat, the word signifying a court of a ruler, in
this case that of a spiritual preceptor. This room
contains a seat of Dada Hayat, which is draped in red
and green sheets made of silk. Behind it, on the wall,
is a big velvet curtain with the names of Allah and
the five holy ones (panjatan pak)—the Prophet
Muhammad, his daughter Fatimah, his cousin and
son-in-law Imam Ali, and the sons of Imam Ali and
Fatimah, Imams Hasan and Husayn–embossed on it in
gold.
When the sajjadah nashin enters the room, the
mendicants stand up and pay their respects to him.
Then, they all sit on the ground in a circle with the
sajjadah nashin at their head. Behind the sajjadah
nashin two mendicants stand with sticks decorated with
tinsel and flowers. A faqir deputy of the sajjadah
nashin stands up and asks the assembly if they have
any disputes among themselves, which need to be
resolved. Generally, such cases involve complaints by
one or more fuqara against other fuqara on account of
misdemeanors, real or alleged. If any such complaint
is made, the sajjadah nashin allows both parties to
the dispute to speak out. At the end, he makes his
judgment, after taking into account the opinions of
elders among the fuqara. In this way, justice is
administered swiftly, and, since the word of the
sajjadah nashin is law, without any acrimony. When the
dakhila session is over, the fuqara touch the feet of
the sajjadah nashin and then, singing and playing
their tambourines, proceed back to the faqir chowk.
Once they return, they assemble for a collective meal
that they cook themselves. The afternoon is usually
reserved for the initiation of new disciples into the
faqir order or the appointment of a deputy (khalifah)
to any one particular faqir. In both cases, prior
permission must be taken from the sajjadah nashin, who
decides each case on the basis of its own merit. The
person who wishes to join the Qalandar or Rifa'i
order, as the disciple (murid) of a particular faqir,
has to undergo an elaborate ceremony. He needs to have
spent considerable time in the company of the person
whom he wishes to take as his preceptor (murshid). At
the gathering of the fuqara at the faqir chowk, the
would-be murshid makes known to his fellow fuqara that
he wishes to initiate a new disciple. Then, a faqir
gets up and asks the fuqara if he has their permission
to go ahead with the initiation ceremony. This request
is repeated three times, and each time, if the fuqara
collectively agree, they answer, 'Alhamdullilah'
(Praise be to Allah!).
The initiation ceremony then begins. A pair of
scissors placed on a clean white cloth is passed
around the assembly. Each faqir picks up the scissors
and, after turning them over, places them back on the
cloth. Then, a junior faqir clips some strands of hair
from the neophyte's beard, moustache and eyebrows and
leads him by the ear to the village barber. His ear is
held on to so that his attention does not wander but
remains focused on God alone. The barber completely
shaves off all his bodily hair, and this is
interpreted as a new birth. As the fuqara put, 'It is
as if he has just come out into the world from his
mother's womb'.
The neophyte is then brought back to the faqir chowk,
and he kneels down in front of the faqir whom he has
chosen as his murshid. A leather belt (tasma) is tied
around his waist and he is given a new dress to wear.
This consists of a white shroud (kafan), which must be
used to wrap his corpse when he dies. It also probably
signifies his death to the world and worldly desires.
The murshid recites the Islamic creed of confession of
faith (kalimah) and some Quranic verses, and the
neophyte recites them after him. Then, the murshid
gives him a new name. This act symbolises the washing
away of sins and the birth into a new life. The
neophyte prostrates in humble submission before the
murshid. The murshid takes an earthen cup containing
sweet lemon juice, and, taking a sip from it, gives it
to the neophyte to drink. This constitutes
transference of sacred power (barakah) from the master
to the disciple and the cementing of a close bond
between the two. At this point, a faqir thumps on a
drum and another blows a horn made of the antler of a
deer. The neophyte is now a full-fledged member of the
faqir fraternity.
The new faqir is now given his own tambourine and a
guruj, a mace topped with spikes, the external symbols
of the faqir order. A junior faqir places the sharp
edge of the guruj on the eyes, throat and chest of the
new faqir as a symbolic zarb. The new faqir then goes
around the assembly, touching the feet of the fuqara
present and seeking their blessings. Each of them puts
his hand on his head and places some coins or tobacco
in the folds of his cloak as a present (hadiyah). For
the next three days, the new faqir must observe strict
austerities. He is allowed to eat only one meal a day,
consisting of plain bread. He must also observe strict
silence during this period. After this, all the
various ceremonies associated with the deceased, such
as the observances on the eleventh and fortieth day
after death, must be followed, for he is considered to
have died to the world.
A similar, though less elaborate, ritual ceremony is
followed in the case of the appointment of a khalifah
of a particular faqir. A junior faqir stands up and
asks if he has the permission of the congregation to
allow the appointment ceremony to go ahead. He repeats
this question three times, and if the fuqara agree,
they loudly reply 'Alhamdullilah'. Then, a new red
silk cloak (khirqah) is passed in a black coconut
shell (kashkul or kishtar) to the murshid who is to
appoint his deputy. He wears the cloak, while the
would-be khalifah kneels before him. The murshid then
recites the kalimah and some Qur'anic verses, and the
would-be khalifah recites after him. Then, the murshid
gives him a new name, symbolizing his new and
transformed identity, and places the khirqah on him.
The event concludes with a faqir playing a drum and
another blowing a horn.
Day Three
This day concludes the 'urs celebrations at the
shrine. After the morning prayers are over, the fuqara
begin a long march to the village of Jannat Nagar,
some seven kilometers away. This village, now in
ruins, contains the graves of some seventy faqir
companions of Baba Budhan who are said to have been
martyred in an attack by some palekars. Most of these
graves have disappeared in the thick jungle, and only
five are still tended to. The route to Jannat Nagar
passes through high mountains and dense forests, home
to a number of species of wild animals.
The faqir procession starts off with collective du'a
being made, and some fuqara piercing themselves with
swords and flagellating themselves with whips. One
faqir carries on his head a pot of sandalwood paste,
and the rest accompany him. The procession is led by a
group of fuqara who carry green flags strung on long
bamboo poles. When the procession reaches Jannat
Nagar, it stops at a wayside temporary stall, where
water is served. Then, the sandal ceremony for the
graves of two martyrs (shuhada), Malik Dinar and Malik
Kabir, each structure being some twenty feet long, is
performed, in the same way as in the case of Dada
Hayat's Chillah described above. The sajjadah nashin's
son officiates at this ceremony. Like his father, he,
too, wears a saffron kurta and turban, the distinctive
colour of the Qalandars and also of numerous Hindu
ascetic orders. After this, collective prayers (namaz)
are offered at a decrepit mosque in the jungle that
dates back to the times of Baba Budhan but is now in
ruins.
After the namaz, the fuqara are given a simple lunch
of rice, lentils, meat and salad. This is known as
faqiron ka langar ('The Feast of the Faqirs'). Others
present on the occasion eat after the fuqara have
finished. This over, the fuqara gather with the
sajjadah nashin or his deputy at their head and begin
a qawwali performance to the accompaniment of rhythmic
clapping and the playing of tambourines. In the
qawwalis the fuqara sing the praises of Allah, the
Prophet and the Qalandar Masters. A distinct strain of
social protest against oppression, the plight of the
poor and worldly luxuries can be discerned in many of
these songs.
The qawwali performance lasts for almost two hours,
after which the fuqara walk back in a procession to
the khanqah. Then, sandalwood ash from the incense
that is burned in the shrine of Dada Hayat is
distributed in little packets, along with sugar, as
holy offerings (tabarruk) to the fuqara and the
others. Coconuts, wrapped in green cloth, are also
given to the pilgrims at a nominal cost. The fuqara,
along with the other pilgrims, enter the khanqah to
pay their respects to the sajjadah nashin before they
depart. They generally bend down to touch his feet and
some of them prostrate before him. He blesses them by
placing his hands on their heads.
The 'urs now formally concludes, and most of the
pilgrims and fuqara prepare to return to their homes.
The stream of pilgrims coming to the dargah, however,
continues for some three months till June, when the
rains start.
Rituals at the 'Urs: Blending of Traditions
A striking aspect of the celebrations during the 'urs
is the blend of local and Islamic influences in the
rituals that are observed and the participation of
Hindus alongside Muslims in offering their respects to
Dada Hayat. The most visible local, or what, for want
of a better term, may be called 'Hindu', influences
are the breaking of coconuts outside the cave of Dada
Hayat and the chillah of Mama Jigni at Palang Talab
and the worship by some, though not all, pilgrims at
the shrine of Biru Dev. For centuries, Hindus have
been flocking to the dargah during the 'urs. Most of
the Hindu pilgrims belong to the non-Brahmin,
particularly 'low' castes, although there are some
'higher' caste Marathas, Reddys and Jains among them.
In several of their practices, the fuqara appear to
resemble Hindu sadhus. Like the sadhus, many of them
keep long, matted hair, wear necklaces and rings,
smoke ganja and observe strict austerities. Some
fuqara remain celibate throughout their lives, while
others marry and raise families. Some take up regular
jobs, while others wander from dargah to dargah in the
company of their disciples. Many, though not all,
fuqara are not particularly strict in the observance
of some of the rules of the shari'ah. Many of them
seem to believe that God reveals Himself in every
religious tradition, and point out that, except for
belief in the prophethood of Muhammad, there is little
to distinguish them from the sadhus and mystics of
other faith traditions. They stress that God is to be
found not in mosques and temples, but in the hearts of
ordinary people. This is best summed up in a verse of
a qawwali that they sing:
Allah ko dhundo Allah ke pyaron main
Allah samaya hai in 'ishq ke maron main
(Search for Allah among those who are dear to Him
Allah inheres among those who are maddened by love).
*
Sukhia Sab Sansar Khaye Aur Soye
Dukhia Das Kabir Jagey Aur Roye
The world is 'happy', eating and sleeping
The forlorn Kabir Das is awake and weeping
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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm
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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm
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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/
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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm
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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/
Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm
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Some FAQ's about Mukto-Mona:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/new_site/mukto-mona/faq_mm.htm
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VISIT MUKTO-MONA WEB-SITE : http://www.mukto-mona.com/
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