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Tuesday, March 3, 2009

[mukto-mona] Re: The BDR mutiny - revenge for Padua and Boraibari

--- I can't agree with your suspect. Have you got any evidence? I
think it is again one chance for you to make propaganda against
India. Are you getting all this from ISI? I think Bangladesh
authority should take care about you.
Saki

In mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com, "M.B.I. Munshi" wrote:
>
> The BDR Mutiny - revenge for Padua and Boraibari
>
>
>
>
>
> It is now widely believed that the barbarous mutiny at BDR HQ
(Pilkhana)
> in Dhaka was perpetrated in revenge for the death of 19 BSF jawans
> killed (after they intruded on to Bangladesh territory) in the
> counter-attack by the BDR at Padua of Sylhet and Boraibari of
Roumary on
> April 18, 2001. The BDR was then headed by Maj. Gen. ALM Fazlur
Rahman
> who has since maintained that the three BDR soldiers killed in that
> encounter should be decorated with National Sword as Birsreshtho and
> should be commemorated in exactly the same way as the martyrs of
1971.
> This has regrettably not been done by any of the governments since
the
> incursion by the BSF into Bangladesh in 2001 and it was
surprisingly not
> one of the demands of the rebellious BDR soldiers in the Pilkhana
mutiny
> of 2009. While the mutineers were able to recall many injustices
> committed against them over the several decades since independence
this
> single most glaring example just managed to escape their over-
wrought
> attention.
>
>
>
> Revenge for Padua and Boraibari was the principal justification for
the
> planning and execution of the mutiny but another important
objective was
> to have Bangladesh accept a Peace Mission from India to protect the
> Kolkata-Dhaka Friendship train service as explained in some news
> reports. The real purpose for this Peace Mission would be to act as
an
> occupying force and spark further trouble and enmity between the
army
> and the BDR that was likely to ensue after the savage murders at
> Pilkhana. This would have held out the double benefit and advantage
to
> India of furthering their agenda for securing a transit facility
across
> the country and at the same time cripple the defence and security
> services of Bangladesh. This would merely be the fulfillment of
what had
> been planned after the 1971 war with Bangladesh having no standing
army
> and the defence needs of the country being organized under Indian
army
> tutelage and control as spelled out in the 7 point agreement signed
by
> the Mujib Nagar government which had only been partly implemented
after
> liberation. The internal law and order situation would according to
this
> agreement be handled by a paramilitary force trained and equipped by
> India's external intelligence agency RAW. The first part of this
> plan was thwarted when the Indian army was forced to leave (which
would
> probably be the same fate of this proposed Peace Mission but with
more
> violent and disturbing consequences for India) after resentment
began to
> grow amongst freedom fighters and the ordinary people of Bangladesh
> against their prolonged presence which was seen to be tantamount to
> being an occupying force. The second part of the 1971 plan was
suddenly
> disrupted after the August 15, 1975 coup when the paramilitary force
> called the Rakkhi Bahini was disbanded soon thereafter. The Rakkhi
> Bahini earned the reputation of being an undisciplined, brutal and
> violently vindictive force under the direct control of Sheikh Fazlul
> Haque Moni and later Tofail Ahmed. It has now been recommended that
> after the mutiny at Pilkhana the BDR force should similarly be
disbanded
> and like the Rakkhi Bahini have its members assigned to other
security
> forces of the country. In its place a new paramilitary organization
> would be established and given the name - as one senior army
officer has
> proposed - the Bangladesh Border Force or BBF. This would be the
> appropriate outcome for the BDR which has by its despicable and
heinous
> acts condemned itself to utter oblivion.
>
>
>
> A further comparison may now be made with the situation prevailing
> immediately after 1971 relating to the suspicious role played by the
> Awami League leadership. The conduct of the AL government during the
> recent mutiny is increasingly coming under close and intense
scrutiny
> especially in its failure to act in a timely fashion to counter the
> revolt by sending in the army directly into Pilkhana compound on the
> very first day of the uprising. To stall such a move the AL
> administration sent Sahara Khatun, Jahangir Kabir Nanak and Mirza
Azam
> to negotiate terms with the mutineers. None of these individuals
have
> any experience or expertise in conducting such negotiations and they
> carry little weight or influence within the country or party but
were
> nevertheless chosen. There were, however, several senior leaders in
the
> party who were far better qualified to undertake this task but were
> simply not asked by the Prime Minister. It is a surprise and a
miracle
> that after the number of civilians that were killed or injured
outside
> the gates of Pilkhana these `negotiators' (Sahara Khatun,
> Jahangir Kabir Nanak and Mirza Azam) managed to successfully dodge
the
> bullets and were not automatically set upon by the rebels on their
entry
> into the compound. Another aspect of the AL handling of the crisis
that
> has raised objections relates to their deliberate policy of
dividing the
> country on purely partisan lines on the issue of the rebellion. In a
> time of national emergency it would be expected that the government
> would attempt to unite the country by calling for all-party
involvement
> in the decision making process. Instead the AL (on the basis of
> accusations made in the Indian press and media) started pointing
fingers
> at the opposition parties for complicity in the mutiny. The view has
> been expressed in some quarters that this self-defeating approach
to the
> revolt was deliberate so that the army would be undermined in
revenge
> for their role in the 1/11 takeover and also in their pursuance of
> corrupt politicians in the AL and their ultimate trial and
prosecution
> during the tenure of the two year caretaker government. This is
entirely
> consistent with the AL's inherent distrust of the armed forces
> –originally encouraged and inspired by India – which also
> existed during the government of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and became
> greatly intensified after the coup's of 1975 which saw the AL pushed
> into the political wilderness for the next two decades. Against this
> inclination of the AL the people of Bangladesh will expect this
> government to declare the victims of the mutiny as martyrs to be
> honoured in the same way as the freedom fighters who lost their
lives in
> the 1971 war but which still has not been done for the BDR soldiers
who
> died in Padua and Boraibari while protecting the territory and
borders
> of the country against Indian intrusion and aggression.
>


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