Issues Of Dispute And The Contemporary Developments In Chittagong Hill Tracts
By Abid Bahar
Chittagong Hills Tracts is located in the South Eastern part of Bangladesh. The population of the land in 1991 census account was 50% Bengalis (45% Muslims) and 50% the various other 11 tribal groups of racially Mongoloid origin. The population size of the tribals and Bengalis combined together is close to a million. The tribal groups are Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Tanchangya, Mro, Lushai, Khumi, Chak, Khyang, Bawm and Pankhua. According to the Census of 1991, the total population of Chakma was 239,417, it is the largest, the most privileged among the tribal groups.
"Bangladesh has a hundred gates open for entrance but not one for departure" -Bernier.
Starting from the 60's, among the tribals, influenced by the radical Marxist ideology, some Chakma leadership began to aspire to separate the Hill Tracts from Bangladesh and some other relatively moderate leadership among them demanded autonomy. While the goal of creating an independent tribal country out of the geographically small Bangladesh, the tribals of half a million heterogeneous population remained an unrealistic ambition, however, some other external factors such as the NGO connections, missionary activists, and Indian RAW trained Shanti Bahini made some leadership to its romancing with revolution. Some of these developments were also possible mainly through the fundamentalist Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Porished of Bangladesh aligned with the BJP of India.
The post 9/11 developments in Islamphobia in outside Bangladesh worked in the tribal's favour that the tribals mostly as Buddhists show theoir fight is against the perceived "Bangladesh's Islamic fundamentalist government." The tribal's international lobbying and sucessful identification as an indigenous group also brought positive results from world's indigenous movements in different countries. There is also the Arakanese Mogh (Rakhine) xenophobic organization the ANC's Theraveda Buddhist leadership whose head quarter is in New Delhi but works from Bangladesh are also active in Kiangs in tribal areas training the tribals with arms. These contemporary developments made great changes in the radicalization of the tribal populace. Despite these advantages in the tribal's favor, the tribal leadership remained ignorant of a major issue; the rule of the game in politics that is based on the population size, which is lacking in the tribal's favor.
Historical background
It is a known fact that the genuine Chakma discontent began with the Kaptai dam by the government of Pakistan. The effect of the dam was the displacement of mainly the Chakma population from the affected area. However, during the 70's when Bengali people united together against Pakistani rule in East Bengal, surprisingly the relatively then the backward Chakma leadership inspired the Chakma population and the other tribes to support Pakistan. This is as if one step backward thinking for them.
In 1970, Manobendro Larma formed the Rangamati Communist Party. It was so unfortunate that under his leadership he even formed anti Bengali Shanti Bahini and some tribes even helped the Pakistan army to locate Bengali liberation forces hiding in the hills and massacred them. Shanti bahini ever since killed many innocent Bengalis during the 70's and early 80's anarchy in Bangladesh.To show his loyalty to Pakistan, Tridiv Roy, the supreme Chakma leader even remained in Pakistan, later on to help the tribals, he even became the Pakistani ambassador to Burma. However, for their collaboration with the enemy, unlike the Biharis, the liberal Bengali leadership didn't brand the tribals as Pakistani collaborators or war criminals and on record didn't take any revenge against them but accepted them as their fellow citizens.
In 1974 Supported India: Two Steps Backward
The radical anti-Bangladesh tribal leadership appears to be primarily a result of the small Marxist Chakma tribal leadership's romancing with revolution. It is true, after the liberation, the first Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's declaration of Bengali nationalism as one of the pillars of Bangladesh's ideology annoyed the Chakma Marxist leadership. Sheikh Mujib pumped up in his Bengali prejudice said, "Forget your ethnicity, be Bengali." Larma genuinely declared that they could be Bangladeshis not Bengalis. Manobendra Larma, a radical and romantic Chakma himself (later on killed by a fellow Chakma,) reacting to Mujib's comment quickly changed the side of Mujib, formed Parbotto Chattgram Jnohanhiti Samity and its armed wing Gono Mukto Fouz (popularly known as Shanti Bahini.) He also sought Indian help and fought against Bangladesh to liberate Chittagong Hill Tracts. However, after Mujib's fall, President Zia's declaration of Bangladeshi's nationalism and the equal citizenship privileges to the tribals didn't satisfy the radical leadeship to come to terms with Bengalis. The Chakma Marxist leadership's romancing with revolution continued.
Radicalized by the RAW: More Steps Backward
In 1975, after Mujib' death encouraged by the Indian RAW, the Chakma leadership radicalized themselves further and the other tribes so much so that extremist elements among them with Indian military trainning and reinforcements often crossed the Bangladesh border to attack the Bangladesh army and the civilian population. In 1982, Priti Kumar Chakma formed Juma Sanghati Samity and as a quick fix even asked the tribals to join Chittagong Hill Tracts with the Indian union. He crossed the border into India. India fighting its own war against its own rebels in the North West first gave him and his followers' assilum. Indian help in material and manpower, propaganda suuport is one of the main sources of their ongoing activities. This became evident in 1991 when Animesh Dewan, an armed Chakma captured by Bangladesh army confessed that India had given 300 G.3 rifles to the insurgents during 1989.
Hindu- Buddhist Connection
The romanticization of the tribes went a long way through through the religious connections. The tribals except the Tripurans follow Theraveda Buddhissm; a more Burmese Sri Lankan and Cambodian type fundamentalist Buddhist version.The Bikkus see Chittagong Hill Tracts as part of Arakan and the Asian Burma. These seemingly nonviolent Buddhist temple's Chakma Bikkus are now in the fore front of Chakma leadership. They identify Bengalis as the followers of the socalled "violent Islam." Islamphobia against their fellow Bengali citizens became a new ideology of hate among the temple worshipers. In the name of "Peace campaign Group", "Purvanchal Buddhist Bhikkhu Sangha," a good number of these leaders took their shelter in India and involved in the incitement of the tribals for anti Bengali action.
The daily report of hundreds of murder, rape and destruction of property by Bangladesh army is regularly reported to the press by these groups surprisingly not from Chittaging Hill Tracts but from New Delhi and often without mentioning the source of their information. The common themes of these reports indicate that Hill Tract's problem is mainly due to the "Islamic fundamentalist backed government of Bangladesh." It is not that there have not been human rights violations in Chittagong Hill Tracts, but these radical Chakma intellectuals and Bikku radical elements when lobby on the international donor agencies and foreign governments against Bangladesh are exaggerated and politically motivated.
To facilate the tribals lobbying, India helped the PCJSS activists to travel to different countries with travel documents. The lobbyists contacted Amnesty International, the anti Slavery society, and the International Working group on Indigenous Affairs. India helped the lobbyists to be present their case at the UN but nothing happened.
The Tribal Marxist lobbysts have another side to their story. Romancing with revolution, the Chakma intellectuals make revolutionary statements in international seminars and conferences about the great "Chakma" sufferings, sometimes mention the existance of a mythical Chakma kingdom that ruled the entire Chittagong Hill Tracts and that the tribes are an indigenous people. On some other occasions, the lobbyists were seen to face Bangladeshi experts on Hill Tracts, when question the authenticity of their indigenous claims and the sources of their information they fail to produce. In this type of propaganda at home and abroad, these tribals' leaders appear to make their own career out of such exploitation. However, the negative effects of such activities are of two fold: (a) they radicalize the tribals against the Bengali population; (b) they help to cover up the reality of the situation in the Hill Tracts. In this direction, the real victims of the process seem to be the Bangladeshis; both tribal and the nontribals who should see themselves only as Bangladeshi citizens.
In a parallel situation in Burma, in 1947 the Rohingyas for their support to join Pakistan, eversince were seen as suspect and have been exterminated and finally in Burma's 1982 constitution were even declared by the Burmese military government as being the non citizens of Burma. Fortunately in the democratic and forward looking Bangladesh, situations like that didn't take place. However, it seems clear that the largely "opportunist" Chakma leadership who also form the majority of the militant Shanti Bahini, in their present pro-Indian radical activities take advantage of the liberal democratic process in Bangladesh.
Contemporary Developments in Identity Formation
(a) As mentioned above, tribals are divided into many groups, with differences in religion, culture, and historical backgrounds. They are also located in seperate regions of the Hill Tracts. For the differences among themselves, in the past it was difficult for them to come up with a united front. However, things have changed lately, to give a common name to the region, during the 80's and the 90's the Chakma leadership enthuasiastically named the Chittagong Hill Tracts in short as the "CHT." It seems that that didn't go far enough.
Lately, they have been working on another concept and wanted to call themselves as the "Jummas" of the "Jummaland." This new name and replacing the "Chittagong Hill Tracts" for "Jumaland" doesn't seem to make sense to the people of Chittagong Hill Tracts as a whole because firstly, most Chittagonians and Bengalis of Chittagong Hill Tracts that comprise more than 50% of the population are not the Hill cultivators or the Jumas. In this endeavour, this initiative tends to deny the human rights of the Bengali people of Chittagong Hill Tracts. In addition to this, even a large number of the Tribal intellectuals now live neither in hill cultivation nor live in the hills to be called with this new name. For Chakmas themselves call this latter group as the "babus"meaning they live in the urban centre's of Rangamati, Khagrachari, Ramgor, Bandorban, Cox's Bazarar and in Chittagong and Dhaka. Considering these difficulties, the traditional name Chittagong Hill Tracts is back again as the only acceptable name for most of its people.
(b) In their drive to to receive international sympathy, the Chakmas leadership also identified the tribals in general as Bangladesh's "indigenous people" and aligned themselves in movements with the world's indigenous population. Contrary to the claims however, historical records show that none of the tribes of Chittagong Hill Tracts are indigenous to the land. Even Chakma intellectual' works like Aditya Dewan, Sugata Chakma's and works done by Western scholars show that most the tribes of Chittagong Hill Tracts migrated from Burma through Arakan. Only the Monipuri tribe arrived from the Tripura state of India. This is also recorded in Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts Gazettiers even with historic dates of arrival recorded even by the British.
The Moghul record shows that the Chakmas had migrated from Arakan during the late Sultani period in the 15th century. They first settled in southern Chittagong, lived among Chittagonian people and learned Chittagonian and slowly migrated northword. Not long ago they lived in the plain land of Rangunia of northern Chittagong before they finally settled in their present location. Chakma historian's works show that Mogh pirates from Arakan pushed the Chakmas to the hills where they are presently settled. There is a Chakma proverb that says, "Ghore thakle Moghe Pai, Baire gaele Bagae Khai." If we staye home, Moghs would enslave us, if we go out, tigres will eat us. Marmas ( Baare Ma, the great Burma) that live in Banderbon and Feni and in Barisal are the decendents of the Arakani Moghs. The other wave of Moghs, driven out of Arakan by the Burmese during the British period in 1784 settled mainly in Cox's Bazar area and in Barishal district are now known as the Rakines (Rakhine is a newly coined name for the Moghs of Arakan, Bangladeshi Moghs also adapted the name). Denying the existing historical facts, the radical Chakma leadership make claim that the tribes are indigenous people of the Hill Tracts. In order to prove their point propaganda materials such as books, flyers, with titles as, "Horrors in the Chittagong Hill Tracts," "Indigenous people's plight," "Juma Suffering" etc. were being distributed internationally. It seems that in their successful propaganda, internationally they could project themselves as the victims of Bangladesh's "genocide on the indigenous people."
Adoption of Alphabets
Historically speaking, none of the tribes had any written language and didn't have alphabets. However, their romancing with revolution, there has been the other interesting recent developments quietly taking place in Chittagong Hill Tracts. To show their growing assertiveness as a distinctive people, lately they have adopted new alphabets and introduced the letters to their children. In imitation of the Indian Tripura alphabets, recently, Tripura alphabets were introduced to the Tipura tribal children of Chittagong Hill Tracts. The ceremony was conducted in Khagrachari. In addition to this, the Chakmas adopted Khamer (Cambodian script) and the Moghs adopted Arakani script (Marma alphabet). These are new developments quietly initiated mainly by the radical leadership among the tribes.
Lately, some Chakmas in imitation of the Burmese pronunciation even seem to style themselves as "Changma," not the traditional name Chakma. A small tribe of the Hill Tracts known as the Tanchingyas about 2000 in number is not behind these developments. Lately, its leaders have changed their name from the official Tanchingya (a Bengali given name to this tribe when arrived from Arakan, the Tanchingyas to now "Tanga." They generally live in houses built on "tall stilts" (Chungs). The name "Tong-Chang-Gya, is similar to the Ro-hin- Gya, (Mro-haung-gya) meaning refugees from Mrohaung of Arakan. The name Tanchingya, now "Tang- ya," are the new letters borrowed from the Burmese language dictionary.
The other developments are in the direction of changing the ancient Chittagonian Bengali Hill Tracts names into Burmese sounding names; Khagrachari is now called by the tribals as "Chengmi," Rangamati for "Gongkabor" and Bandarban for "Arvumi." These changes have been done in imitation of Thai and Burmese names and in the pretext of practicing their right to a "limited autonomy."
The name of places in remote Chittagong Hill Tracts such as Bor kol = Borkol, Ghagra Chori =Khagrachori, Ranga mati= Rangamati, Bandor bon=Bandarbon, Ram gor= Ramgor, Theker (difficult) Pahar (mountain), Dum Dummia Bazar etc in the remote areas of Chittagong Hill Tracts are neither Arakani, nor Burmese nor even Cambodian names. These are Bengali names given by Bengali people that lived in the Hill Tracts before the tribes arrived. Historical records show that Bengali people have been in Chittagong Hill Tracts for over 4,000 years.
In their outward looking identity formation, the above trend of Changing Bengali names shows that the tribals are depriving its native Chittagonians their rights and they are neither integrating nor assimilating as Bangladeshis. They seem to be imitating the culture of the countries from where their ancestors were driven out centuries ago. Analysts claim that this trend could be a result of extremists among the tribals who detaste anything "Bengali" or "Muslim."
While the above analysis shows the Chakma leadership's with its less than 250 thousand Chakma population keeps romancing with revolution, several questions in the academia as well as in the media surface repeatedly:
(1) Questions abound about how the tribals could be indigenous when at the same time their own history shows that they had migrated from Arakan of Burma through southern Chittagong as late as during the British period. Historical facts show that Bengalis lived in Chittagong Hill Tracts long before the tribals settled in the region. "The evidence of paleolithic civilization in Bangladesh region (shows)... stone implement in Rangamati and a hand axe in the hilly tip of Feni district. They are likely to be 10,000 to 15,000 years old. New stone age in the region lasted from 3,000 B C to 1,500 B C. Neolithic tools comparable to Assam group were found at Sitakunda in Chittagong.
The Bengali population generally question, historically, if their ancestors of the tribals were the settlers then why do they have to mislead the uninformed people both locally and internationally? It is true; in the absence of enough research works on the tribal's international agencies are accepting the tribal's fictious indigenous claim as being true. The misrepresentation in the process helps deprive the human rights of the Chittagonian Bengalis in their rights to own land.
(2) There are also the questions that the tribes are only less than half a million in number, presently live among another more than half a million Bengalis in Chittagong Hill Tracts. The total Bengali population is150 million in the low lands. With such a small tribal population size of less than 1% of Bangladesh's total population size, how could they realisticallt become independent. In that scenerio, some estimate that if it is not a pure case of Chakm leader's old fashioned Marxist romance of class struggle between the Benglis vs. the tribals, and India playing its own geopolitical card against Bangladesh for its own interest, and the Arakani xenophobic Moghs fraternity with the tribals in the kiangs to misled tribals, it got to be surely a game the leadership is playing to help develop mistrust among the tribal and Bengali Bangladeshis.
(3) The other questions asked are about the adoption of alphabets that, when the population size of different tribal groups are as low as even few thousands, if it is not a matter of romancing for independence, why the tribal leadership have to introduce the racially origin outside Bangladesh alphabets and introduce it to their children by some NGO called the Zabarang Kalayan Samit etc. Bangladesh government is aware of these changes. Realistically speaking; children of tribes of such small numbers should be learning the important languages of the country to get better jobs for survival, than fight a revolution with a people of 144 million strong. Contrary to this trend in Bangladesh, in Burma, minorities not only learn the main language Burmese to get jobs, and to blend in, they keep a Burmese names as well. In Burma, the Rohingya Muslims for example are required to carry ID cards and voluntarily keep a Burmese Buddhist name. In Mizooram of the "democratic" India, Mizoos require to carry permit to move from one place to another. Fortunately, that is not required as a norm in the democratic Bangladesh. Under the circumstances, in comparison, the democratic government of Bangladesh shows its reasonable tradition of tolerance.
(4) The other questions asked repeatedly are that realistically how is it possible for the Chakmas leadership with an insignificant tribal population size of half a million, vastly different from each other calling Chittagong Hill Tracts as the Jummaland to become independent when in contrast, the huge geographical areas across the border in India such as Assam, Tripura, Mizooram, and in the Western India, Punjab and Kashmir etc, and in Burma, Shan territory, Chin, Kachine etc. where vast number of homogeneous people live failed to become independent. Compared to those, it seems Chakma's case shows a case of pure romanticism by its opportunist leadership and a self defeatist movement that can only create suffering through mutual distrust.
(5) The net outcome of Chakma leadership and its impact seems to have helped develop mistrust among Bangladeshis. Under the circumstances, people wonder how even the arrangement of a complete tribal autonomy would work. This is because, both Bengalis and the tribals live in mutually exclusive areas, autonomy for tribals only will be unjust for the Bengali population. To solve similar problems of unrest, in Indian Kashmir and in Assam, and also in Mizooram, Indian government built cantonments near each tribal settlement called "ideal village" where movement of people are tightly controlled. To deal with the radical elements in those provinces, India resort to population resettlement in troubled areas. It seems that the present trend in Chakma leadership's excessive romanticization and armed struggle and anti Bangladesh campaign at home and abroad only complicated the situation.
Sucessive Bangladesh governments have been trying to accommodate the tribal leadership by giving them limited tribal autonomy. The recent goodwill gesture from the care-taker government in its withdrawl of 24 temporary army camps are also steps in right direction. However, such gestures should have reciprocal in removing the armed Buddhist monks from kiangs, places of religious devotion.
Bernier once said "Bangladesh has a hundred gates open for entrance but not one for departure" In this land, historically "Chakmas and others have been given shelter as refugees by Bengalis out of humanitarian concern over the generations." The above trend of Chakma leadership's anti Bangladesh campaign, seeking foreign help in terrorism and creating trouble in the internal matters of Bangladesh, shows strong signs of tribal leadership crisis.
While many Chakma leaders still remained disillusioned, but lately many Chakma and other tribal leaders began to come to senses and question whether the tribal groups should follow the "romancing with revolution" approach by certain Chakma leadership when it has proven itself "unrealistic," "backward looking," and "violent." These extremist Chakmas with Indian guns even didn't dare to "kill their own leaders," and failed to bring a lasting compromise among themselves as well with Bengalis.
The common indicator for the crisis in tribal leadership seems to indicate the state of the backward-looking Chakma leadership at home and in abroad as well as mentioned above the presence of an unrealistic Marxist leadership that remained far behind reality with the pace of Bangladesh's overall development. It is imperative that Chakma leadership should come to its senses and instead of working as the tool of anti- Bangladesh foreign forces and creating a divide between the Bengalis and the tribals; should make efforts to receive the benefits of the equal citizenship of Bangladesh that they rightfully deserve.
It is true that the integrity of Bangladesh is vital for Bangladesh's survival. History tells us that, in the past a lapse during the late Sultani period and early Sher Shah Sur dynasty led Chittagong and the lower Bengal to be occupied by Mogh and Portuguese pirates resulting in enslavement of the masses. The suffering continued until the Moghul conquest of Chittagong.
Realistically then, for Bangladesh's prosperity and for the common good, it is important and beneficial for all Bangladeshis (tribal and the nontribal alike) should work together than the extremist Chakma's Islamophobic and xenophobic incitement against the Bengalis in Chittagong Hill Tracts.
For the sake of establishing the rule of law, Bangladesh government had the record of hanging the IslamicBangla Bhai terrorists. For the sake of Bangladesh's integrity, Bangladesh army and the police should be present in every corner of Bangladesh including in the Hill Tracts. Considering the mistrust already created by the Chakma leadership, some settlements in remote border areas of the Hill Tracts especially with Bangladesh's border with Burma and India should be done to check both the armed militacy on the part of the terrorists of all kinds that make profits from transborder traffiking.
The Chakma leadership believe that historically they are a martial race.(8) But in a democratic society where the state demands its citizens to follow the rule of law, the old fashioned Chakma leadership's romantic method of solving problems through violence shouldn't be the norm. For mutual benefit of the tribal and nontribal Bangladeshis, it is important that the Chakma tribal leaders should be realistic in its goals and help the other tribal and non tribal citizens to enjoy their equal citizenship rights. Buddha Ratana Bhikkhu from Hill Tracts says, in the Hill Tracts, presently "local NGOs, about 40 in number have been working in the field of education, capacity building, health & nutrition, water and sanitation, community empowerment, advocacy and lobby, micro-credit and indigenous rights etc. through partnerships with international, national and regional donors, and UN bodies." The above initiatives seem to be encouraging. But external led initiatives especially by NGOs should be carefully regulated by the government of Bangladesh.
References
Aditya Kumar Dewan, Class and Ethnicity in the Hills of Bangladesh (Montreal, Canada: An Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, McGill University, 1990).
Sugata Chakma: The Tribes and Culture of Chittagong Hill Tracts: (Rangamati: 1993.)
Joinal Abedin, Tribal Settlers of Chittagong Hill Tracts. NFB, December 08 2006; For a definition of aboriginal see OXFORD Advanced Learner's Dictionary' 'aboriginal' refers to "a member of race of people who are the original people living in a country, especially in Australia/Canada." (Sixth Edition, Edited by Salley Wehmeier: OXFORD University Press: 2001-2003).
ROOTS: BANGLADESH TOWARDS 21ST CENTURY, published by the Ministry of Information, Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh.
During the late 70's I worked in a project initiated by R. I. Chowdhury, et.al Tribal Leadership and Political Integration: A Case Study of Chakma and Mong of Chittagong Hill Tracts (Chittagong: University of Chittagong, 1979). During the liberation war, on my way to the Mizooram of India, I had walked on foot with my fellow travellers and lived among the tribals of Chittagong Hill Tracts.
Buddha Ratana Bhikkhu.Indigenous people are struggling for recognition and development activities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) region,
Bangladesh. NFB, December 06 2006 Prajnalankar Bhikkhu writes from India from the following address:
Peace Campaign Group (PCG)
RZ-I-91/211, West Sagarpur, New Delhi-110046, India
Tel: + 91-11-2 539 8383
Telefax: + 91-11-2 539 4277
E-mail: pcgoffice@yahoo.co.in, pcgonline@gmail.com
The News Today; also in the NFB, "Bid to fuel fresh unrest in CHT: The terrorists have chosen religious sentiment as the latest weapon," May 15 2008
S.P. Talukder. The Chakmas: Life and Struggle. (New Delhi: Gian Publishers, 1988) p. 11-16.
Abid Bahar
Canada,
abidbahar@yahoo.com
"Bangladesh has a hundred gates open for entrance but not one for departure" -Bernier.
Starting from the 60's, among the tribals, influenced by the radical Marxist ideology, some Chakma leadership began to aspire to separate the Hill Tracts from Bangladesh and some other relatively moderate leadership among them demanded autonomy. While the goal of creating an independent tribal country out of the geographically small Bangladesh, the tribals of half a million heterogeneous population remained an unrealistic ambition, however, some other external factors such as the NGO connections, missionary activists, and Indian RAW trained Shanti Bahini made some leadership to its romancing with revolution. Some of these developments were also possible mainly through the fundamentalist Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Porished of Bangladesh aligned with the BJP of India.
The post 9/11 developments in Islamphobia in outside Bangladesh worked in the tribal's favour that the tribals mostly as Buddhists show theoir fight is against the perceived "Bangladesh's Islamic fundamentalist government." The tribal's international lobbying and sucessful identification as an indigenous group also brought positive results from world's indigenous movements in different countries. There is also the Arakanese Mogh (Rakhine) xenophobic organization the ANC's Theraveda Buddhist leadership whose head quarter is in New Delhi but works from Bangladesh are also active in Kiangs in tribal areas training the tribals with arms. These contemporary developments made great changes in the radicalization of the tribal populace. Despite these advantages in the tribal's favor, the tribal leadership remained ignorant of a major issue; the rule of the game in politics that is based on the population size, which is lacking in the tribal's favor.
Historical background
It is a known fact that the genuine Chakma discontent began with the Kaptai dam by the government of Pakistan. The effect of the dam was the displacement of mainly the Chakma population from the affected area. However, during the 70's when Bengali people united together against Pakistani rule in East Bengal, surprisingly the relatively then the backward Chakma leadership inspired the Chakma population and the other tribes to support Pakistan. This is as if one step backward thinking for them.
In 1970, Manobendro Larma formed the Rangamati Communist Party. It was so unfortunate that under his leadership he even formed anti Bengali Shanti Bahini and some tribes even helped the Pakistan army to locate Bengali liberation forces hiding in the hills and massacred them. Shanti bahini ever since killed many innocent Bengalis during the 70's and early 80's anarchy in Bangladesh.To show his loyalty to Pakistan, Tridiv Roy, the supreme Chakma leader even remained in Pakistan, later on to help the tribals, he even became the Pakistani ambassador to Burma. However, for their collaboration with the enemy, unlike the Biharis, the liberal Bengali leadership didn't brand the tribals as Pakistani collaborators or war criminals and on record didn't take any revenge against them but accepted them as their fellow citizens.
In 1974 Supported India: Two Steps Backward
The radical anti-Bangladesh tribal leadership appears to be primarily a result of the small Marxist Chakma tribal leadership's romancing with revolution. It is true, after the liberation, the first Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's declaration of Bengali nationalism as one of the pillars of Bangladesh's ideology annoyed the Chakma Marxist leadership. Sheikh Mujib pumped up in his Bengali prejudice said, "Forget your ethnicity, be Bengali." Larma genuinely declared that they could be Bangladeshis not Bengalis. Manobendra Larma, a radical and romantic Chakma himself (later on killed by a fellow Chakma,) reacting to Mujib's comment quickly changed the side of Mujib, formed Parbotto Chattgram Jnohanhiti Samity and its armed wing Gono Mukto Fouz (popularly known as Shanti Bahini.) He also sought Indian help and fought against Bangladesh to liberate Chittagong Hill Tracts. However, after Mujib's fall, President Zia's declaration of Bangladeshi's nationalism and the equal citizenship privileges to the tribals didn't satisfy the radical leadeship to come to terms with Bengalis. The Chakma Marxist leadership's romancing with revolution continued.
Radicalized by the RAW: More Steps Backward
In 1975, after Mujib' death encouraged by the Indian RAW, the Chakma leadership radicalized themselves further and the other tribes so much so that extremist elements among them with Indian military trainning and reinforcements often crossed the Bangladesh border to attack the Bangladesh army and the civilian population. In 1982, Priti Kumar Chakma formed Juma Sanghati Samity and as a quick fix even asked the tribals to join Chittagong Hill Tracts with the Indian union. He crossed the border into India. India fighting its own war against its own rebels in the North West first gave him and his followers' assilum. Indian help in material and manpower, propaganda suuport is one of the main sources of their ongoing activities. This became evident in 1991 when Animesh Dewan, an armed Chakma captured by Bangladesh army confessed that India had given 300 G.3 rifles to the insurgents during 1989.
Hindu- Buddhist Connection
The romanticization of the tribes went a long way through through the religious connections. The tribals except the Tripurans follow Theraveda Buddhissm; a more Burmese Sri Lankan and Cambodian type fundamentalist Buddhist version.The Bikkus see Chittagong Hill Tracts as part of Arakan and the Asian Burma. These seemingly nonviolent Buddhist temple's Chakma Bikkus are now in the fore front of Chakma leadership. They identify Bengalis as the followers of the socalled "violent Islam." Islamphobia against their fellow Bengali citizens became a new ideology of hate among the temple worshipers. In the name of "Peace campaign Group", "Purvanchal Buddhist Bhikkhu Sangha," a good number of these leaders took their shelter in India and involved in the incitement of the tribals for anti Bengali action.
The daily report of hundreds of murder, rape and destruction of property by Bangladesh army is regularly reported to the press by these groups surprisingly not from Chittaging Hill Tracts but from New Delhi and often without mentioning the source of their information. The common themes of these reports indicate that Hill Tract's problem is mainly due to the "Islamic fundamentalist backed government of Bangladesh." It is not that there have not been human rights violations in Chittagong Hill Tracts, but these radical Chakma intellectuals and Bikku radical elements when lobby on the international donor agencies and foreign governments against Bangladesh are exaggerated and politically motivated.
To facilate the tribals lobbying, India helped the PCJSS activists to travel to different countries with travel documents. The lobbyists contacted Amnesty International, the anti Slavery society, and the International Working group on Indigenous Affairs. India helped the lobbyists to be present their case at the UN but nothing happened.
The Tribal Marxist lobbysts have another side to their story. Romancing with revolution, the Chakma intellectuals make revolutionary statements in international seminars and conferences about the great "Chakma" sufferings, sometimes mention the existance of a mythical Chakma kingdom that ruled the entire Chittagong Hill Tracts and that the tribes are an indigenous people. On some other occasions, the lobbyists were seen to face Bangladeshi experts on Hill Tracts, when question the authenticity of their indigenous claims and the sources of their information they fail to produce. In this type of propaganda at home and abroad, these tribals' leaders appear to make their own career out of such exploitation. However, the negative effects of such activities are of two fold: (a) they radicalize the tribals against the Bengali population; (b) they help to cover up the reality of the situation in the Hill Tracts. In this direction, the real victims of the process seem to be the Bangladeshis; both tribal and the nontribals who should see themselves only as Bangladeshi citizens.
In a parallel situation in Burma, in 1947 the Rohingyas for their support to join Pakistan, eversince were seen as suspect and have been exterminated and finally in Burma's 1982 constitution were even declared by the Burmese military government as being the non citizens of Burma. Fortunately in the democratic and forward looking Bangladesh, situations like that didn't take place. However, it seems clear that the largely "opportunist" Chakma leadership who also form the majority of the militant Shanti Bahini, in their present pro-Indian radical activities take advantage of the liberal democratic process in Bangladesh.
Contemporary Developments in Identity Formation
(a) As mentioned above, tribals are divided into many groups, with differences in religion, culture, and historical backgrounds. They are also located in seperate regions of the Hill Tracts. For the differences among themselves, in the past it was difficult for them to come up with a united front. However, things have changed lately, to give a common name to the region, during the 80's and the 90's the Chakma leadership enthuasiastically named the Chittagong Hill Tracts in short as the "CHT." It seems that that didn't go far enough.
Lately, they have been working on another concept and wanted to call themselves as the "Jummas" of the "Jummaland." This new name and replacing the "Chittagong Hill Tracts" for "Jumaland" doesn't seem to make sense to the people of Chittagong Hill Tracts as a whole because firstly, most Chittagonians and Bengalis of Chittagong Hill Tracts that comprise more than 50% of the population are not the Hill cultivators or the Jumas. In this endeavour, this initiative tends to deny the human rights of the Bengali people of Chittagong Hill Tracts. In addition to this, even a large number of the Tribal intellectuals now live neither in hill cultivation nor live in the hills to be called with this new name. For Chakmas themselves call this latter group as the "babus"meaning they live in the urban centre's of Rangamati, Khagrachari, Ramgor, Bandorban, Cox's Bazarar and in Chittagong and Dhaka. Considering these difficulties, the traditional name Chittagong Hill Tracts is back again as the only acceptable name for most of its people.
(b) In their drive to to receive international sympathy, the Chakmas leadership also identified the tribals in general as Bangladesh's "indigenous people" and aligned themselves in movements with the world's indigenous population. Contrary to the claims however, historical records show that none of the tribes of Chittagong Hill Tracts are indigenous to the land. Even Chakma intellectual' works like Aditya Dewan, Sugata Chakma's and works done by Western scholars show that most the tribes of Chittagong Hill Tracts migrated from Burma through Arakan. Only the Monipuri tribe arrived from the Tripura state of India. This is also recorded in Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts Gazettiers even with historic dates of arrival recorded even by the British.
The Moghul record shows that the Chakmas had migrated from Arakan during the late Sultani period in the 15th century. They first settled in southern Chittagong, lived among Chittagonian people and learned Chittagonian and slowly migrated northword. Not long ago they lived in the plain land of Rangunia of northern Chittagong before they finally settled in their present location. Chakma historian's works show that Mogh pirates from Arakan pushed the Chakmas to the hills where they are presently settled. There is a Chakma proverb that says, "Ghore thakle Moghe Pai, Baire gaele Bagae Khai." If we staye home, Moghs would enslave us, if we go out, tigres will eat us. Marmas ( Baare Ma, the great Burma) that live in Banderbon and Feni and in Barisal are the decendents of the Arakani Moghs. The other wave of Moghs, driven out of Arakan by the Burmese during the British period in 1784 settled mainly in Cox's Bazar area and in Barishal district are now known as the Rakines (Rakhine is a newly coined name for the Moghs of Arakan, Bangladeshi Moghs also adapted the name). Denying the existing historical facts, the radical Chakma leadership make claim that the tribes are indigenous people of the Hill Tracts. In order to prove their point propaganda materials such as books, flyers, with titles as, "Horrors in the Chittagong Hill Tracts," "Indigenous people's plight," "Juma Suffering" etc. were being distributed internationally. It seems that in their successful propaganda, internationally they could project themselves as the victims of Bangladesh's "genocide on the indigenous people."
Adoption of Alphabets
Historically speaking, none of the tribes had any written language and didn't have alphabets. However, their romancing with revolution, there has been the other interesting recent developments quietly taking place in Chittagong Hill Tracts. To show their growing assertiveness as a distinctive people, lately they have adopted new alphabets and introduced the letters to their children. In imitation of the Indian Tripura alphabets, recently, Tripura alphabets were introduced to the Tipura tribal children of Chittagong Hill Tracts. The ceremony was conducted in Khagrachari. In addition to this, the Chakmas adopted Khamer (Cambodian script) and the Moghs adopted Arakani script (Marma alphabet). These are new developments quietly initiated mainly by the radical leadership among the tribes.
Lately, some Chakmas in imitation of the Burmese pronunciation even seem to style themselves as "Changma," not the traditional name Chakma. A small tribe of the Hill Tracts known as the Tanchingyas about 2000 in number is not behind these developments. Lately, its leaders have changed their name from the official Tanchingya (a Bengali given name to this tribe when arrived from Arakan, the Tanchingyas to now "Tanga." They generally live in houses built on "tall stilts" (Chungs). The name "Tong-Chang-Gya, is similar to the Ro-hin- Gya, (Mro-haung-gya) meaning refugees from Mrohaung of Arakan. The name Tanchingya, now "Tang- ya," are the new letters borrowed from the Burmese language dictionary.
The other developments are in the direction of changing the ancient Chittagonian Bengali Hill Tracts names into Burmese sounding names; Khagrachari is now called by the tribals as "Chengmi," Rangamati for "Gongkabor" and Bandarban for "Arvumi." These changes have been done in imitation of Thai and Burmese names and in the pretext of practicing their right to a "limited autonomy."
The name of places in remote Chittagong Hill Tracts such as Bor kol = Borkol, Ghagra Chori =Khagrachori, Ranga mati= Rangamati, Bandor bon=Bandarbon, Ram gor= Ramgor, Theker (difficult) Pahar (mountain), Dum Dummia Bazar etc in the remote areas of Chittagong Hill Tracts are neither Arakani, nor Burmese nor even Cambodian names. These are Bengali names given by Bengali people that lived in the Hill Tracts before the tribes arrived. Historical records show that Bengali people have been in Chittagong Hill Tracts for over 4,000 years.
In their outward looking identity formation, the above trend of Changing Bengali names shows that the tribals are depriving its native Chittagonians their rights and they are neither integrating nor assimilating as Bangladeshis. They seem to be imitating the culture of the countries from where their ancestors were driven out centuries ago. Analysts claim that this trend could be a result of extremists among the tribals who detaste anything "Bengali" or "Muslim."
While the above analysis shows the Chakma leadership's with its less than 250 thousand Chakma population keeps romancing with revolution, several questions in the academia as well as in the media surface repeatedly:
(1) Questions abound about how the tribals could be indigenous when at the same time their own history shows that they had migrated from Arakan of Burma through southern Chittagong as late as during the British period. Historical facts show that Bengalis lived in Chittagong Hill Tracts long before the tribals settled in the region. "The evidence of paleolithic civilization in Bangladesh region (shows)... stone implement in Rangamati and a hand axe in the hilly tip of Feni district. They are likely to be 10,000 to 15,000 years old. New stone age in the region lasted from 3,000 B C to 1,500 B C. Neolithic tools comparable to Assam group were found at Sitakunda in Chittagong.
The Bengali population generally question, historically, if their ancestors of the tribals were the settlers then why do they have to mislead the uninformed people both locally and internationally? It is true; in the absence of enough research works on the tribal's international agencies are accepting the tribal's fictious indigenous claim as being true. The misrepresentation in the process helps deprive the human rights of the Chittagonian Bengalis in their rights to own land.
(2) There are also the questions that the tribes are only less than half a million in number, presently live among another more than half a million Bengalis in Chittagong Hill Tracts. The total Bengali population is150 million in the low lands. With such a small tribal population size of less than 1% of Bangladesh's total population size, how could they realisticallt become independent. In that scenerio, some estimate that if it is not a pure case of Chakm leader's old fashioned Marxist romance of class struggle between the Benglis vs. the tribals, and India playing its own geopolitical card against Bangladesh for its own interest, and the Arakani xenophobic Moghs fraternity with the tribals in the kiangs to misled tribals, it got to be surely a game the leadership is playing to help develop mistrust among the tribal and Bengali Bangladeshis.
(3) The other questions asked are about the adoption of alphabets that, when the population size of different tribal groups are as low as even few thousands, if it is not a matter of romancing for independence, why the tribal leadership have to introduce the racially origin outside Bangladesh alphabets and introduce it to their children by some NGO called the Zabarang Kalayan Samit etc. Bangladesh government is aware of these changes. Realistically speaking; children of tribes of such small numbers should be learning the important languages of the country to get better jobs for survival, than fight a revolution with a people of 144 million strong. Contrary to this trend in Bangladesh, in Burma, minorities not only learn the main language Burmese to get jobs, and to blend in, they keep a Burmese names as well. In Burma, the Rohingya Muslims for example are required to carry ID cards and voluntarily keep a Burmese Buddhist name. In Mizooram of the "democratic" India, Mizoos require to carry permit to move from one place to another. Fortunately, that is not required as a norm in the democratic Bangladesh. Under the circumstances, in comparison, the democratic government of Bangladesh shows its reasonable tradition of tolerance.
(4) The other questions asked repeatedly are that realistically how is it possible for the Chakmas leadership with an insignificant tribal population size of half a million, vastly different from each other calling Chittagong Hill Tracts as the Jummaland to become independent when in contrast, the huge geographical areas across the border in India such as Assam, Tripura, Mizooram, and in the Western India, Punjab and Kashmir etc, and in Burma, Shan territory, Chin, Kachine etc. where vast number of homogeneous people live failed to become independent. Compared to those, it seems Chakma's case shows a case of pure romanticism by its opportunist leadership and a self defeatist movement that can only create suffering through mutual distrust.
(5) The net outcome of Chakma leadership and its impact seems to have helped develop mistrust among Bangladeshis. Under the circumstances, people wonder how even the arrangement of a complete tribal autonomy would work. This is because, both Bengalis and the tribals live in mutually exclusive areas, autonomy for tribals only will be unjust for the Bengali population. To solve similar problems of unrest, in Indian Kashmir and in Assam, and also in Mizooram, Indian government built cantonments near each tribal settlement called "ideal village" where movement of people are tightly controlled. To deal with the radical elements in those provinces, India resort to population resettlement in troubled areas. It seems that the present trend in Chakma leadership's excessive romanticization and armed struggle and anti Bangladesh campaign at home and abroad only complicated the situation.
Sucessive Bangladesh governments have been trying to accommodate the tribal leadership by giving them limited tribal autonomy. The recent goodwill gesture from the care-taker government in its withdrawl of 24 temporary army camps are also steps in right direction. However, such gestures should have reciprocal in removing the armed Buddhist monks from kiangs, places of religious devotion.
Bernier once said "Bangladesh has a hundred gates open for entrance but not one for departure" In this land, historically "Chakmas and others have been given shelter as refugees by Bengalis out of humanitarian concern over the generations." The above trend of Chakma leadership's anti Bangladesh campaign, seeking foreign help in terrorism and creating trouble in the internal matters of Bangladesh, shows strong signs of tribal leadership crisis.
While many Chakma leaders still remained disillusioned, but lately many Chakma and other tribal leaders began to come to senses and question whether the tribal groups should follow the "romancing with revolution" approach by certain Chakma leadership when it has proven itself "unrealistic," "backward looking," and "violent." These extremist Chakmas with Indian guns even didn't dare to "kill their own leaders," and failed to bring a lasting compromise among themselves as well with Bengalis.
The common indicator for the crisis in tribal leadership seems to indicate the state of the backward-looking Chakma leadership at home and in abroad as well as mentioned above the presence of an unrealistic Marxist leadership that remained far behind reality with the pace of Bangladesh's overall development. It is imperative that Chakma leadership should come to its senses and instead of working as the tool of anti- Bangladesh foreign forces and creating a divide between the Bengalis and the tribals; should make efforts to receive the benefits of the equal citizenship of Bangladesh that they rightfully deserve.
It is true that the integrity of Bangladesh is vital for Bangladesh's survival. History tells us that, in the past a lapse during the late Sultani period and early Sher Shah Sur dynasty led Chittagong and the lower Bengal to be occupied by Mogh and Portuguese pirates resulting in enslavement of the masses. The suffering continued until the Moghul conquest of Chittagong.
Realistically then, for Bangladesh's prosperity and for the common good, it is important and beneficial for all Bangladeshis (tribal and the nontribal alike) should work together than the extremist Chakma's Islamophobic and xenophobic incitement against the Bengalis in Chittagong Hill Tracts.
For the sake of establishing the rule of law, Bangladesh government had the record of hanging the IslamicBangla Bhai terrorists. For the sake of Bangladesh's integrity, Bangladesh army and the police should be present in every corner of Bangladesh including in the Hill Tracts. Considering the mistrust already created by the Chakma leadership, some settlements in remote border areas of the Hill Tracts especially with Bangladesh's border with Burma and India should be done to check both the armed militacy on the part of the terrorists of all kinds that make profits from transborder traffiking.
The Chakma leadership believe that historically they are a martial race.(8) But in a democratic society where the state demands its citizens to follow the rule of law, the old fashioned Chakma leadership's romantic method of solving problems through violence shouldn't be the norm. For mutual benefit of the tribal and nontribal Bangladeshis, it is important that the Chakma tribal leaders should be realistic in its goals and help the other tribal and non tribal citizens to enjoy their equal citizenship rights. Buddha Ratana Bhikkhu from Hill Tracts says, in the Hill Tracts, presently "local NGOs, about 40 in number have been working in the field of education, capacity building, health & nutrition, water and sanitation, community empowerment, advocacy and lobby, micro-credit and indigenous rights etc. through partnerships with international, national and regional donors, and UN bodies." The above initiatives seem to be encouraging. But external led initiatives especially by NGOs should be carefully regulated by the government of Bangladesh.
References
Aditya Kumar Dewan, Class and Ethnicity in the Hills of Bangladesh (Montreal, Canada: An Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, McGill University, 1990).
Sugata Chakma: The Tribes and Culture of Chittagong Hill Tracts: (Rangamati: 1993.)
Joinal Abedin, Tribal Settlers of Chittagong Hill Tracts. NFB, December 08 2006; For a definition of aboriginal see OXFORD Advanced Learner's Dictionary' 'aboriginal' refers to "a member of race of people who are the original people living in a country, especially in Australia/Canada." (Sixth Edition, Edited by Salley Wehmeier: OXFORD University Press: 2001-2003).
ROOTS: BANGLADESH TOWARDS 21ST CENTURY, published by the Ministry of Information, Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh.
During the late 70's I worked in a project initiated by R. I. Chowdhury, et.al Tribal Leadership and Political Integration: A Case Study of Chakma and Mong of Chittagong Hill Tracts (Chittagong: University of Chittagong, 1979). During the liberation war, on my way to the Mizooram of India, I had walked on foot with my fellow travellers and lived among the tribals of Chittagong Hill Tracts.
Buddha Ratana Bhikkhu.Indigenous people are struggling for recognition and development activities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) region,
Bangladesh. NFB, December 06 2006 Prajnalankar Bhikkhu writes from India from the following address:
Peace Campaign Group (PCG)
RZ-I-91/211, West Sagarpur, New Delhi-110046, India
Tel: + 91-11-2 539 8383
Telefax: + 91-11-2 539 4277
E-mail: pcgoffice@yahoo.co.in, pcgonline@gmail.com
The News Today; also in the NFB, "Bid to fuel fresh unrest in CHT: The terrorists have chosen religious sentiment as the latest weapon," May 15 2008
S.P. Talukder. The Chakmas: Life and Struggle. (New Delhi: Gian Publishers, 1988) p. 11-16.
Abid Bahar
Canada,
abidbahar@yahoo.com
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