AS THE military-controlled interim government begins its much-talked-about dialogue with the political parties today, there seem to be certain questions in the public mind – valid ones, we must add – about its objective and possible outcome. If the dialogue is really geared towards a peaceful transition to democratic order, as the government has persistently claimed it would be, there are reasons to be sceptical about its desired outcome. The seeds of such scepticism were sown by the chief adviser himself in the course of his address to the nation on May 12 whereby he seemingly sought to predetermine the content and intent of the dialogue through a list of dos and don'ts for the political parties. His prescription, so to speak, has, as we have pointed out in these columns before, touched off the suspicion that his government might coax or coerce the political parties into agreeing to ratify all its actions – legal or illegal – as and when the ninth Jatiya Sangsad convenes after the general elections, now to be held in the third week of December. Meanwhile, the incumbents do not seem to have ceded its not-so-covert attempt at redrawing the political landscape through the execution of its 'minus-two formula', i.e. banishment of Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina from politics. As such, the two major political parties – the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Awami League – are yet to confirm their participation in the dialogue without Khaleda and Hasina, which, in turn, has only intensified public apprehension that the proposed talks, if held at all, may not end the political impasse and thus diminish the prospect of a peaceful transition. From : The Daily Sangbad and the Daily New Age
As we see it, for a peaceful transition, it is imperative that the apolitical incumbents engage in a comprehensive dialogue with the political parties and seek to find ways and means to create an environment conducive to all-contested and credible general elections, absence of which led to the installation of the Fakhruddin Ahmed government and its extra-constitutional perpetuation. Regrettably, however, the chief adviser, instead of trying to inspire confidence among the politicians, apparently antagonised them further by, first, not paying heed to any of their demands, e.g. immediate withdrawal of the state of emergency, release of Khaleda and Hasina for the dialogue and general elections before local government elections, and, second, talking about many issues related to pre- and post-elections scenarios, e.g. formulation of a national charter and balance of power between the president and the prime minister, which should otherwise be in the policymaking domain of elected representatives.
Crucially still, while the elections remain the only option for a peaceful transition to democratic order, the chief adviser's address to the nation suggested that his government is in denial about the lack of Election Commission's of credibility to conduct all-contested and credible elections. The commission, at this point in time, stands devoid of credibility in the eyes of the politicians in particular and the public in general, thanks to its perceived involvement in realising the controversial 'minus-two formula'. What's more, when the government has finally recognised Khandaker Delwar Hossain as the BNP secretary general, the Commission still deems its splinter group as the mainstream of the party. In such circumstances, one would say the incumbents are either unwilling or unable to recognise that the credibility of the commission is and would be the bone of contention, in and outside the dialogue.
Most importantly, the interim government needs to realise that, be they the talks or the elections, the political parties are the main players and that their non-participation or forced exclusion would only nullify the prospect of a peaceful transition and push the country to the brink of a sustained period of political uncertainty and social disorder. We are not suggesting, in any way, that the government should entertain whatever the political parties ask for. We strongly feel that the political parties have to own up their past failures and detail their future plans for democratisation of their individual and collective conduct in public. But the idea of imposing something upon them by an interim regime, that too by one which itself has committed many an illegal and anti-people act over the past 16 months or so, may eventually lead to confrontation. That would not be a good idea, either for the sides involved or the people at large.
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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm
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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf
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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.
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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm
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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm
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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/
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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm
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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/
Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm
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